03. The Individual as Member of a Species: (Species-Characteristic Behaviors in the Repertory) 03. 01. General Terms



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03. The Individual as Member of a Species: (Species-Characteristic Behaviors in the Repertory)
03.01. General Terms
03.01.01.000 _taxonomy (emp)

any lawful arrangement or specific set of principles for classification of observations, whether of species of ants, the periodic table of elements, or the vocabulary of a two-year-old girl. 03.01.01.000


03.01.01.010 _species (emp)

in this glossary, the use of the word species will conform with the usage in the biological sciences. 01.01.03.010, 03.01.01.010 In these, the definition of "species" is the subject of theoretical (and other) disagreements. In cases where the term appears in this glossary, the groups defined as "species" will be seldom subject to dispute on the basis of biological theory and metalanguage.


03.01.01.020 _conspecific (emp)

another member of the species of the individual. 03.01.01.020


03.01.01.030 _genotype (emp)

the genetic constitution of an individual. The dependent variables in the laboratory research of geneticists. 01.01.06.100, 03.01.01.030 Genotype is often, however inappropriately, termed the "code" for the organism. A "gene" acts in interrelation with other "genes" and with the environment to yield an individual. See phenotype; genetically fixed; and genetically programmed.


03.01.01.040 _phenotype (emp)

the observable characteristics of an individual without reference to genotype (q.v.). 01.01.06.090, 03.01.01.040 The phenotype is an "emergent property" of the genotype and the environment. Down's syndrome is a class of phenotypes, trisomy 21 a class of genotypes. That some individuals exhibiting Down's syndrome have, in appropriate circumstances, learned to read and write is surprising to many, although less surprising now than in previous decades. This surprise is indicative of the baggage which the terms phenotype and genotype may be laden with. See genetically fixed; genetically programmed; and genotype.


03.01.01.050 _species-specific (emp)

an adjective commonly used to refer to any behavior which is observed in all or most members of a species, of only one or of both sexes of a particular species, or which may only be observed during a limited time or times in the individual organism's lifespan. This term was formerly assumed to be synonymous with instinct, as such behavior is usually universal as stated above and shows a relative lack of variability from individual to individual within a species. 03.01.01.050 Species-specific behaviors are commonly assumed to be unlearned, but this assumption misses the fact that species-specific behaviors may not be seen in a given individual unless the appropriate environment is present at the appropriate time in the individual's lifetime. This term is also used interchangeably with "species-typical."


03.01.01.060 _sexual dimorphism (emp)

characteristic behavior repertories and/or phenotypes, not including primary sex characteristics, that differentiate the sexes within a species. 01.01.05.030, 01.03.01.030, 03.01.01.060



Examples include appendages, such as antlers that are present on only the buck (deer, elk) and markings, such as the red-spot on the abdomen of only the female black widow spider. Secondary sex characteristics differentiating male and female humans are also included here.
03.01.02.010 _evolution (emp)

(1) the processes of change through time, and more generically the ordered sequence of changes antecedent to what is presently observed. 03.01.02.010, 03.04.17.060 The current state of affairs -- the world as it is -- is the product of evolutionary change. This concept of evolution attempts to give a retrospective (historical) account of the presently observed.

(2) the theory of the origin of species and of their behaviors first stated by Darwin, and since refined observationally, experimentally, and mathematically. Its basic concepts can be restated to develop analogous theories of evolution in the metalanguages of sciences other than zoology. Darwinian theory is based on three propositions:
(a) Individuals differ from one another, and some of the differences between them will recur as differences between their offspring (described and studied in genetics), or these differences may have differential survival value or differential reproductive outcomes.
(b) The physical environment does not include enough food, shelter, and the like to enable all individuals to survive. Many will die before they can reproduce.
(c) Some characteristics of the individual in which he differs from others increase the probability that he will survive at least until offspring are produced. Hence those physical characteristics and behaviors of the individual that enable him to successfully compete with other individuals such that he survives to reproduce are then more likely to appear in his offspring. This process is "natural selection" and its outcomes are the present species, their behaviors, and their ecology: the interrelationships they show with specific physical and behavioral characteristics of their physical and behavioral environments respectively.
No very great rewriting of these statements will yield a theory about how individuals acquire new stimuli, responses, and styles in the course of their lifetime. The ability to learn is a trait itself evolved via natural selection. The concept "reinforcement" implies a selection-by-consequence not dissimilar to selection-by-survival-to-reproduction in Darwinian theory. Perhaps a general theory may evolve that will describe the phylogeny and ontogeny of behavior -- the evolution and development of species, social, and individual repertories of behavior -- in terms of a common set of concepts. Some humanistic or phenomenological psychologists, anti-pathetic to the naturalistic view of man and his fellow voyagers, ignore evolution and even reject it as "meaningless" for the behaviors of the human individual. This makes Fundamentalism respectable to some intellectuals.
03.01.02.020 _phylogeny (emp)

a term for the origin, development, or evolution of a species or other form of plant or animal; a species' evolutionary history. 03.01.02.020, 03.04.17.080 This term refers to the present state of a species, as modified by natural selection relative to its past state of development. By extension, the present state of the behavior repertory, whether species, social, or individual, is a product of the selection-by-consequences of behaviors over generations of living, behaving individuals. See evolution; ontogeny; behavior repertory (of a species).


03.01.02.030 _Evolutionary Theory

that class of biological theories, current and obsolete, that attempts to account for the evolution of (progressive change in) species. 03.01.02.030, 03.04.17.090, 09.06.13.020 Evolutionary theory evolves at a considerably higher rate than do species. Like evolving species, each new theory yields multiple daughter theories. Some of these occupy the same ecological niche, and the struggle for survival of competing theorists and theory is fierce. But the metaphor must break down: Current evolutionary theorists in biology largely reject the verities of "orthodox" Darwinian theory (q.v.).


03.01.02.040 _ecological niche (emp)

(1) the collection of environments in which members of a given species are most often found living, reproducing, and dying. 03.01.02.040, 14.01.07.010, 16.01.01.050 If environments were herein defined as "things around," this definition would be lacking -- of both other plants and animals, and of climatic and other events. The other organisms may eat or be eaten by members of the species whose ecological niche it is. The characteristic events are often interrelated with the behavior of the individual member of the species: Buzzards and eagles soar; many fish swim against the currents. Environments interbehave with individuals -- if one ignores this fact otherwise, the term niche loosely indicates it.

(2) (emp) the position of a species in the "food-chain": the ordering of species in the transitive series of who eats whom, or what.
03.01.02.050 _behavioral ecology

(1) (also ecological psychology) the psychological discipline which stresses the study of environments as places in which to behave. 03.01.02.050, 07.02.02.020 That is, the interactions of behaving and environments. Behavioral ecology stresses that behaving is always in a given environmental context, and the behavior which occurs is inextricable from the environment in which it occurs. Although the term itself is a tautology (see ecology), the field's emphasis on the environmental context is a step toward an interbehavioral approach to the problems of psychology. See behavior setting; standing pattern of behavior.

(2) a branch of biology that studies the fitness of an organism or species as a function of the variables in its environment (or ecological space).
03.01.02.060 _phylogenic history (emp)

same as behavior repertory (of a species). 03.01.02.060


03.01.02.061 _high-probability behavior (emp)

when all the stimuli and setting operations that yield a particular behavior are present, then that behavior would be "expected" to occur, i.e., it would have a high probability of occurrence, and could be called a high-probability behavior. 02.01.06.030, 03.01.02.061


03.01.02.063 _species-shared behavior
03.01.02.065 _instinct (emp)

(1) a class of behavior sets shown by most (if not all) members of a species. Many of the responses within each such set can be demonstrated to be dependent on identifiable stimuli in the environment. 02.01.06.080, 03.01.02.065 "Instinct" is the nominalization of sets of species-characteristic behaviors, and include acquired as well as unlearned behaviors (def.2). The individual who is demonstrating an instinct is also ­"in" a mood. The behavior repertory of a species includes many instincts so defined; they are identified by their environmental consequences ("grooming," "reproduction," "parental care" and so on.) Buying baby food at the supermarket is part of the parental care instinct in some human cultures. This definition reflects the impossibility of distinguishing in a meaningful way between "learned" and "unlearned" behavior. Even if such a distinction could be made, it would not necessarily be a useful one.

(2) (obsolete) the same as instinct (def.1) with the qualification that experimental manipulations calculated to prevent learning have been employed. Here, it is argued that since learning of the behaviors in question has been prevented, the behaviors must be "instinctive."

(3) (obsolete) a hypothetical system of hierarchically organized centers (neural structures or mechanisms) postulated to account for observable instances of instinct (def.1). "A hierarchically organized nervous mechanism which is susceptible to certain priming, releasing and directing impulses of internal as well as of external origin, and which responds to these impulses by coordinated movements that contribute to the maintenance of the individual and the species," (Tinbergen). This definition, too, is an obsolete one; it is retained to suggest the optimistic reductionism of previous generations.

(4) (emp) a synonym for drive. When "instinct" lost respectability in the 1920's, the term "drive" replaced it. Now, the term drive is increasingly rare.
03.01.02.067 _drive

03.01.02.067, 19.08.03.010 There are few names that have been applied to so wide a variety of concepts as "drive," and to a set so variable in the rigor of their statement. Obviously, a most attractive explanatory fiction. For a full treatment, see Hinde (Animal Behavior, 1959, 7, 130-141.)

(1) (emp) mood. The term mood is preferred in this glossary; it may have a minimal number of theoretical connotations, and hence avoid the "explanatory" aspect of other definitions of this word. See setting operation; behavior set.

(2) (th) a hypothetical behavior-controlling state of animals studied in the laboratory which is identified by: (a) Gross changes in the relative frequency of broad classes of behavior that are not attributable to disease, learning, or growth; (b) changes in running-wheel activity; or (c) changes in cage motility. Such drives may be manipulated by: operations of deprivation (as of food and water), changes in reinforcement operations, alterations of the hormone or other biochemical balance of the blood by temperature changes, or intense stimulation. Particular states so defined sensitize particular S-R correlations: those acquired after the particular drive operations have been performed and those species-characteristic responses that have been empirically established as covarying. Thus, food elicits eating behavior in hungry animals only, and lordosis can be elicited in the guinea pig only when particular combinations of hormones are present in specific concentrations.

(3) (th) in ethology, a synonym for motivation.

(4) (th) Hull's "D." A construct having the properties of a general state but associated with, or producing, specific stimuli. Its controlling variables are only suggested.

(5) (th) one of many hypothesized state variables derived from the effectiveness of particular environmental events as reinforcing stimuli. E.g., the manipulatory drive. This is invoked as a consequence of observations that monkeys and apes solve mechanical puzzles without reinforcement administered by the experimenter and that they acquire conditioned responses when the reinforcing stimulus is the opening of a window through which the animal can look into a space not available to it just before. The absence of any defining operations or manipulations other than the identification of specific events as reinforcers renders this usage unfortunate and misleading.
03.01.02.069 _id (th)

in psychoanalytic theories, the nominalization (and sometimes reification) of species-characteristic components of the individual's behavior repertory. 01.01.08.040, 01.06.19.050, 03.01.02.069, 03.01.08.010, 09.06.11.050 See also ego; superego. This family of poetic personifications has lent itself to the retrospective explanation of any and all behaviors, of any and all individuals, including historic figures (e.g., Woodrow Wilson). Unfortunately, the view and explanation of behavior as the outcome of the tribulations of this trio is equally able to explain behaving that does not, did not, and could not happen, as well as what did or could. Psychoanalytic theory has enabled novelists, dramatists and biographers to invent a world populated by invented rather than by observed individuals. It has also enabled critics to date writings, and sometimes to identify the training of the writer's analyst.


03.01.02.070 _isolation experiment (emp)

a generic term for a process in which organisms are deprived of access to other members of their species, members of other species, the organism's appropriate environment, or some combination of these. 01.02.05.020, 03.01.02.070 The effects of isolation experiments are thought of as being more clearly delineated when the isolation takes place early in an organism's life, or even more specifically, during a limited time frame referred to as a sensitive period. Certainly the effects of isolation can be severe on an immature organism, whereas the same degree of isolation may have little or no effect on an older organism. Exact interpretation of the effects of an isolation experiment are not as clear cut as some researchers might argue. Raising kittens in an environment in which the animals only "see" vertical stripes does "reorganize" the animal's visual system. The effects seen anatomically and behaviorally are not just due to the loss of specific systems due to lack of stimulation or use, but also due to the compensating "overuse" of other systems due to the altered experience. Deprivation of one type of experience can produce an excessive amount of another experience. See early isolation and sensitive period.


03.01.02.080 _deprivation experiment (emp)

same as isolation experiment. 03.01.02.080 See isolation experiment.


03.01.02.090 _learning capacity (th)

the parameters and limits of what, how, and when an animal can learn. 03.01.02.090, 19.03.05.030 Implied here is that there is some "storage" of experience that is "extracted" or "registered." This starts to sound a lot like how big of a computer hard drive an animal has to store information on; the bigger the hard drive, the greater the learning capacity. If one wants to make sense of this term, think in terms of the kinds of behavior that can be acquired rather than in terms of disk space!



This term carries with it almost as much baggage as the term intelligence, seemingly referring to a unitary concept that is unchanging, or even unchangeable. This term is also tied to ability to learn, as if either were well-defined concepts. Unfortunately not, and further highlights the uselessness of the term learning capacity!
03.01.02.100 _learning disposition (th)

the portion of an animal's learning capacity that is presumably genetically determined. 03.01.02.100


03.01.03.010 _race (emp)

a group of individuals classed together on the basis of genetic characteristics. 03.01.03.010 This concept comes easily to biologists, and to the breeder of pedigreed dogs. It is possible to classify humans into "races" according to various properties, especially ones that have endpoints such as "black" and "white." There seem to be as many races as various groups of physical anthropologists, or biologists, choose for there to be. In other words, this term is not as useful or informative as it is held up to be. In the past, anthropologists accepted race as a fixed, invariant concept. There were a set number of races, to which all persons could be classified as belonging, according to some observable characteristic, most often skin color. Unfortunately human variation is such that there are no such characteristics that inherently and inevitably vary together. Human morphology does vary from region to region but not in tidy, uniform packages. One way in which the term race does appear to have utility is that of organizing information; yearly, many studies in medical journals use race to show or "explain" alleged differences among groups of subjects. See racism.


03.01.03.020 _breed
03.01.03.030 _strain
03.01.04.010 _behavior repertory (emp)

(1) (of an individual) the entire set of behaviors, including controlling stimuli, responses, styles, and behavioral processes that the individual has shown, or, given the appropriate conditions, could show. 01.01.06.020, 01.02.01.010, 03.01.04.010, 04.05.04.030 How does one determine the full behavior repertory of an individual? By observation to be sure, but by whom? -By others, and by the individual that is observed. When others observe the individual over a period of time, what they observe will depend upon their own reactional biographies, and the nature of their interactions with the individual, -whether lover, friend, acquaintance, or a "trained professional." What these observe coincide only in part with one another, and with what the individual has observed of himself. Robert Burns had it right, -"Oh wad some power the giftie gie us/To see oursels as others see us!" What the individual can observe of himself, in turn, is observable by others in only small part. The balance the individual may or may not share by communicating with others (see self-disclosure). Just how much the individual will or can communicate is again limited by the means of communicating, whether by speaking, writing, gesture, or facial expression. This leaves a balance of self-observation that the individual refuses to communicate with any other, -the private, called by some the ­"secret-self." Whether any given individual has such secrets will remain unknown except by him or her.



But other individuals draw inferences, and they may reach conclusions, not only about such "secrets," but also of entities or acts unobserved by anyone, including the individual in question. Thus, the Freudian "unconscious."

Nobody, then, is likely to demonstrate the full repertory of any individual, but observers can ascertain what has occurred and under what conditions, and then attempt, after shrewd guesses, to establish whether or not another behavior is likely to occur. One can always assert what has surely been in the repertory, but one cannot assert what will surely be. Psychologists have developed various tests, yielding computates such as aptitudes, response styles, performances, attitudes, and various others, termed personality tests, to survey the behavior repertories of individuals, with no great success, as measures of validity testify. "Psychodiagnostics" is the name of the game, and the relative lack of results doubtless accounts for the dim view the newer generations of psychologists takes of these attempts. New methods, based on direct observation in natural or semi-natural situations may gradually replace the artificialities of the inkblot cards, the pictures, and the interminable questions.

Besides such computates, behavior repertories include stimuli of various kinds, responses (including styles), locomotions, response chains and hierarchies, and behavior sets, acquisitions, locomotions, and most important of all, processes. These include languages (dyad languages; paroles). In the behavior repertory of the individual are behaviors and processes he or she shares with almost all other members of their species, (the species repertory), others he or she shares with the community or communities and the social group with which they developed, or of which they have become associated (the social repertory). Some parts are the unique product of his or her own life-history. (See reactional biography). These three subsets within the individual's repertory may provide the basis for Freud's distinction among id, superego, and ego respectively.

(2) (emp) (of a social group) the entire set of behaviors and behavioral processes shown by almost all members of a social grouping (e.g., family; community) or society within which its members developed. Nobody does much about these repertories, except write, and collect crude data. We speak and write of "poverty psychology," "middle-class morality," "U and non-U vocabularies," and "conformity," not to say "identification" and "professional ethics." Linguists write of "language" and "linguistic communities." The number, variety, and instability of most groupings of individuals, make this a difficult topic. In addition, the sometimes fuzzy boundaries between and among groups, as well as between social, species, and individual components of the behavioral repertory of the individual make this topic a forbidding area for study, populated mainly by cultural anthropologists and sociologists.



(3) (emp) (of a species) the entire set of behaviors, including instincts (def.2), and behavioral processes (including acquired processes) that are shown in all, or almost all members of a species. The potential behavioral repertory of a species includes the entire set of behaviors and processes shown by any one member of the species. Some are "unlearned," others are acquired in the course of the histories of the individuals in their particular environment (say, the United States of America, or in a "ecological niche"). The behaviors include stimuli, responses, and chains controlled by species-characteristic processes, e.g., imprinting. These function with the environments characteristic of the species to produce uniformities in the repertories of its individual members. Speaking, and the process of generating speech, is a component of the species-repertory of Homo sapiens. Speaking English with a N'Yawlins accent is a member of the social repertory of people born and reared in that city. Speaking specific statements, in particular social environments, is part of an individual-repertory -- the "parole." The potential behavior repertory of a species is something else again. Here, behaviors shown systematically following the appropriate operations and conditions by the few members of the species studied are included in the potential repertory of the species. The proposition is that the behaviors could be shown by almost all members of the species (barring "defective" ones) if they had the same experience. It has not been shown that Pan silvestris can communicate- (def.1) with humans by speaking. But several chimpanzees can communicate to a degree by use of sign language, and others by the selection and ordered placement of arbitrarily selected objects. These objects that have come to control the behaviors initially controlled by natural objects and events, and still another by computer inputs and displays. Verbal behavior by gesture and ideograph, then, would seem to fall within the potential behavior repertories of the species, but not speech-communication mediated by the vocal and auditory apparatus. In sum, there are things you do because you are a duck, and grew up with other ducks. There are things you do because you are a duck, were bought at Easter, and grew up among people as Nancy's pet. There are things you do because you had an altercation with a cat last Tuesday. . . Likewise, there are things you do because you are human. But you talk pure Appalachian, -and you are going to get married in October, because your father let you have the car on a Saturday night in June.

The probability that anyone will soon (if ever) be able to describe the full behavior repertory of an individual, or of a group, or of a species is small indeed. But hopefully ethologists will continue to prepare "ethograms" for a species, anthropologists to study cultures, academicians to give examinations at the end of the semester, and diagnosticians to give tests.
03.01.04.020 _behavior inventory (emp)

the behavior repertory. 03.01.04.020 When however, the term behavior inventory is used, it typically is limited to the identification and enumeration of specific behaviors observable in most members of the individual's community as these have been selected by the experimenter.


03.01.04.030 See 02.
03.01.05.010 _ethogram (emp)

a term referring to the aggregate of empirical terms applicable to and observations on the members of one species made under field, or simulated field, conditions. 03.01.05.010


03.01.06.010 _collective unconscious (th)

a term in the Jungian language that can be recognized as referring to all those parts of the behavior repertory of the individual, an account of which can be given in terms of the history of his species, and of the cultural (behavioral) history of the society or community in which he acquired his own individual-repertory, and hence his identity or identities. 03.01.06.010 Jung used the term "archetype" to refer to these countable, identifiable stimuli, responses, styles, processes. This term classifies together such diverse behavioral concepts that it can do no more than state broad general principles.



Archetypes are used to give an account of some problems encountered by the individual. His own repertory may include parts that are inconsistent with those of other individuals in his community. They are further, and more interestingly, used in the discussion and perhaps "understanding" of works of art produced by the individual, and the classification of works of art according to specific archetypes, or sets of these that appear as themes.
03.01.07.010 _archetype (th)

one of the components of Jung's theory of "personality" and behavior. 03.01.07.010


03.01.08.010 _id (th)

in psychoanalytic theories, the nominalization (and sometimes reification) of species-characteristic components of the individual's behavior repertory. 01.01.08.040, 01.06.19.050, 03.01.02.069, 03.01.08.010, 09.06.11.050 See also ego; superego. This family of poetic personifications has lent itself to the retrospective explanation of any and all behaviors, of any and all individuals, including historic figures (e.g., Woodrow Wilson). Unfortunately, the view and explanation of behavior as the outcome of the tribulations of this trio is equally able to explain behaving that does not, did not, and could not happen, as well as what did or could. Psychoanalytic theory has enabled novelists, dramatists and biographers to invent a world populated by invented rather than by observed individuals. It has also enabled critics to date writings, and sometimes to identify the training of the writer's analyst.


03.01.09.010 _natural reinforcer (emp)

any consequences of a response or locomotion whose occurrence shows a high dependent probability upon that response or locomotion, which occurs without the planned intervention by a second individual, and whose repeated precluding yields habituation. 02.06.04.180, 03.01.09.010, 03.02.02.130 Those who do research aiming to habituate responses termed as "reflex responses" can do so only by precluding these events which maintain reflexes in a natural environment. This term, however, should be applied only to those consequences of behavior whose dependent probability has been measured and whose repeated precluding yields habituation of the response. The use of natural reinforcers as a theoretical account of observable behavior pushes the concept of reinforcement beyond tolerable limits, although it is tempting and amusing to think of examples of natural reinforcers. For example, when reading a book, if it is not interesting, one stops reading. Hence, a book that people keep reading is presumably "rich in natural reinforcers." Again, instruction manuals that do not teach, that is, that do not enable Mommy to put the toy together, will not be read.



In behavior modification, natural reinforcers are an exceptionally appealing explanatory concept. When behavior newly acquired in the clinic does not generalize to the home environment or to the school, it is easy to assert that the absence of natural reinforcers accounts for the failure of the behavior to be maintained. Perhaps the consequences of reading, (i.e., what one can tell others and can think about after having read), "knowledge of results," and failure to generalize can be attributed to the absence of natural reinforcers. But, before using this easy explanation, it might be wiser for those who appeal to natural reinforcers to do research required to demonstrate the criteria that must be met.
03.01.09.020 _intrinsic reinforcer (emp)

a natural reinforcer. 02.06.04.190, 03.01.09.020, 03.02.02.130



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