1 Germain A and Kyte R, 1995. The Cairo Consensus: The Right Agenda for the Right Time. International Women's Health Coalition, New York.
2 Hodgson D and Watkins SC, 1996. Population controllers and feminists: strange bedmates at Cairo? Paper presented at annual meeting of Population Association of America, 9-11 May, New Orleans.
3 Ammerman NT, 1991. North American Protestant fundamentalism. Fundamentalism Observed. Marty ME and Appleby RS (eds). University of Chicago Press, Chicago; Bendroth ML, 1993. Fundamentalism and Gender: 1875 to the Present. Yale University Press, New Haven.
4 For a spirited condemnation of both the term and the concept generally, see Harris JM, 1994. 'Fundamentalism': objections from a modern Jewish historian. Fundamentalism & Gender. Hawley JS (ed). Oxford University Press, New York. For a review of the debate in the context of Islam specifically, see Al-Azm SJ, 1993 and 1994. Islamic fundamentalism reconsidered: a critical outline of problems, ideas and approaches. South Asia Bulletin. Part I:XII(1, 2), Part II:XIV(1). For a discussion from the activist perspective, see WAF Journal 1(5), particularly Pieterse JN. Fundamentalism discourses: enemy images; and the responsive article by Sahgal G and Yuval-Davis N. The uses of fundamentalism.
5 Of course, the fact that the phenomenon may be real, does not itself justify the choice of the particular word 'fundamentalist’. While bordering dangerously on misnomer (because of the implication that something 'fundamental' is also 'authentic'), I would agree with Marty and Appleby (from whom the phrase 'family resemblances' is borrowed) that there is no perfect word available, that alternative suggestions have even more serious defects, and that in any event the term is already firmly entrenched in popular usage—in short, 'fundamentalism' is here to stay.' Marty and Appleby (eds), (see footnote 3). See also Al-Azm, (see footnote 4).
6 Perhaps the most comprehensive of these is The Fundamentalism Project, sponsored by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, whose initial volume examined different religious fundamentalisms—including Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, Sunni Muslim, Shia Muslim, Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Confucian, and Shinto—in an effort to identify 'family resemblances.' Marty and Appleby (eds), (see footnote 3).
7 For example, proceedings of the workshop 'The political uses of religion, ethnicity and culture’. NGO Forum, ICPD, sponsored by Women Living Under Muslim Laws, Women Against Fundamentalism, and Catholics for a Free Choice. Portions in WAF Journal 7:13-15 and Women's Health Journal 1/96; Full transcripts on file with the author. Also Sahgal G and Yuval-Davis N (eds), 1992. Refusing Holy Orders: Women and Fundamentalism in Britain. Virago Press, London.
8 Eg. Ahmed SI, 1995. Blasphemy bill: revenging the war of liberation? Sanglap: Attack on Fundamentals. 4 (Aug). Ain O Salish Kendra, Dhaka, Bangladesh. Reprinted in Fatwas Against Women in Bangladesh. 1996. Women Living Under Muslim Laws, Grabels, France.
9 See the essays in the second volume, The Fundamentalism Project. Marty ME and Appleby RS (eds), 1993. Fundamentalism and Society: Reclaiming the Sciences, the Family, and Education. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
10 Marty ME and Appleby RS (eds), 1993, (Fundamentalism and Society), p.820.
11 Huntington. S, 1993. The clash of civilisations? Foreign Affairs, Summer.
12 McClintock A, 1996. Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Conquest. Routledge, New York; Ahmed L, 1992. Women and Gender in Islam. Yale University Press, New Haven.
13 Mani L, 1990. Contentious traditions: the debate on sati in colonial India. In Sangari K and Vaid S (eds). Recasting Women: Essays in Indian Colonial History. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick NJ.
14 Sangari K and Vaid S (eds), 1990, (see footnote 13), p.115.
15 Hawley JS, 1994. Hinduism: sati and its defenders. Fundamentalism & Gender. Hawley JS (ed). Oxford University Press, New York.
16 Strozier CB, 1994. Religious militancy or 'fundamentalism'. Religion and Human Rights. Kelsay J and Twiss SB (eds). Project on Religion and Human Rights, New York.
17 Ahmad M, 1991. Islamic fundamentalism in South Asia: the Jamat-i-Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat. In Marty and Appleby (see footnote 3).
18 Quoted in Hitchcock J, 1993. Catholic activist conservatism in the United States. In Marty and Appleby (see footnote 3).
19 On the relationship between the discourse of Hindutva, women, law and communal politics in India, see Kapur R and Cossman B, 1995. Communalising gender, engendering community: women, legal discourse, and the Saffron Agenda. Women & Right-Wing Movements: Indian Experiences. Sarkar T and Butalia U (eds). Zed Books, New Jersey. On the critically important relationship between Hindutva and current legal and political discourse about secularism in India (including an analysis of recent opinions of the Supreme Court of India on these issues), see Cossman B and Kapur R, 1996. Secularism: bench-marked by Hindu Right. Economic and Political Weekly. 21 Sept: 2613-30.
20 Shaheed F, 1994. Controlled or autonomous: identity and the experience of Women Living Under Muslim Laws. Signs. 19(4):997-1019.
21 For a description of this overall strategy, see Shaheed F, 1995. Networking for change: the role of women's groups in initiating dialogue on women's issues. Faith & Freedom: Women's Human Rights in the Muslim World. Afkhami M (ed). Syracuse University Press, Syracuse NY. For a specific example of diversity in actual laws and practices, see Chart of Customary Practices in Pakistan in Comparison with Statutory Law. 1995; Women & Law Pakistan Country Project. Shirkat Gah, Lahore.
22 Anderson MR, 1993. Islamic law and the colonial encounter in British India. Arnold D and Robb P (eds). Institutions and Ideologies: A SOAS South Asia Reader. Curzon Press, London. Reprinted by Women Living Under Muslim Laws as Occasional Paper 7, (1996), quoting the text of The Hastings Plan of 1772.
23 See footnote 22
24 Hoodfar H, 1994. Devices and desires: population policy and gender roles in the Islamic Republic. Middle East Report. Sept-Oct.
25 Kamal S, 1995. Undermining women's rights. Sanglap: Attack on Fundamentals. 4 (Aug), (See footnote 8); Fundamentalism and gender: a view from Bangladesh. Communalism Combat. 1996; April: 5.
26 An important issue beyond the scope of this paper is the extent to which women are attracted to and participate in fundamentalist movements, even when such movements adopt agendas which include explicit controls over their ability to make choices about key aspects of their lives.
27 Conason J, Ross A and Cokorinos L, 1996. The Promise Keepers are coming: the third wave of the religious right. Nation. 7 October.
28 See footnote 27
29 See Sabbah F, 1984. Woman in the Muslim Unconscious. Pergamon Press, New York; Imam AM, 1996. The Muslim religious right ('fundamentalists') and sexuality. Presented at conference on Religion, Sexuality and Contemporary Crisis, Park Ridge Centre for the Study of Health, Faith and Ethics, Chicago, 14-16 April 1996.
30 Hawley JS,  above. Quoting Bhagavad Gita 1.41, as translated by Miller BS, 1986. The Bhagavad Gita. Columbia University Press, New York.
31 Mernissi F, 1987. Femininity as subversion: reflections on the Muslim concept of nushuz. Speaking of Faith: Global Perspectives on Women, Religion and Social Change. Eck D and Jain D (eds). New Society Publishers, Philadelphia.
32 Papanek H, 1994. The ideal woman and the ideal society: control and autonomy in the construction of identity. In Moghadam (ed), (see footnote 12).
33 Meznaric S, 1994. Gender as an ethno-marker: rape, war, and identity politics in the former Yugoslavia. In Moghadam (ed), (see footnote 12); Women's Rights Project, 1995. The Human Rights Watch Global Report on Women's Human Rights. Human Rights Watch, New York.
34 Kannabiran V and Kannabiran K, 1995. The frying pan or the fire? Endangered identities, gendered institutions and women's survival. In Sarkar and Butalia (eds), (see footnote 19).
35 Bennoune K, 1995. SOS Algeria: women's human rights under seige. In Afkhami (ed), (see footnote 21).
36 In support of this point, Sitralega Maunagura quotes the following letter printed in LTTE's official newspaper: 'Young Tamil women who travel to Colombo come into contact with the military at various points. They are physically handled by male soldiers on the pretext of checking. In Colombo, these women become friendly with policemen from Sinhala and Muslim communities and lose their morals. In addition, they pass on information on the struggle which is taking place in the North. Hence, a total ban should be imposed on young women travelling to the South. And women who return from Colombo should be considered anti-social elements and punished accordingly.' Maunaguru S, 1995. Gendering Tamil nationalism: the construction of 'woman' in projects of protest and control. Unmaking the Nation: The Politics of Identity and History in Modern Sri Lanka. Jeganathan P and Quadri, I (eds). Social Scientists' Association, Colombo.
37 See footnote 31
38 Eisenstein Z, 1996. Hatreds: Racialized and Sexualized Conflicts in the 21st Century. Routledge, New York.
39 See footnote 38
40 See footnote 38
41 Boston R, 1996. The Most Dangerous Man in America? Pat Robertson and the Rise of the Christian Coalition. Prometheus Books, Amherst NY.
42 Washington Post, 23 August 1992. Hawley and Proudfoot note that 'fundamentalist rhetoric is often tinged with the suggestion that homosexuality is an inevitable consequence of modernism—a sign of the dishonor and downright emasculation that the collapse of traditional values visits on secular societies'. In Introduction, Hawley JS (ed). (see footnote 4).
43 Huntington S, 1993. The clash of civilizations? Foreign Affairs. Summer.
44 The strand of US right-wing ideology that focuses on the 'racial purity' of white, Christian civilisation finds a comfortable home among 'Patriot' groups, such as those subscribing to the Phineas Priesthood, who justify murders and hate crimes with reference to a Biblical passage (Numbers 25:1-18) which they interpret as condoning murder to prevent racial mixing in violation of 'God's law'. Terrorists in the name of God and race. Klanwatch Intelligence Report. 1996; 83 (Aug).
45 See footnote 38
46 See footnote 38
47 Amin S and Hossain S, 1995. Women's reproductive rights and the politics of fundamentalism: a view from Bangladesh. American University Law Review. 44 (4):1319-43; (see also footnote 8).
48 I am grateful to Mahnaz Afkhami, executive director, Sisterhood Is Global Institute, for articulating this aspect of fundamentalists' strategies and for several of the examples used here.
49 Religious human rights in the world today: a report on the 1994 Atlanta conference. Emory International Law Review. 10 (1):53-193. An-Naim A, 1995. The dichotomy between religious and secular discourse in Islamic societies. In Afkhami M (ed), (see footnote 21).
50 Copelon R and Petchesky R, 1995. Toward an interdependent approach to reproductive and sexual rights as human rights: reflections on the ICPD and beyond. Schuler M (ed). From Basic Needs to Basic Rights. Women, Law & Development International, Washington DC.
51 Freedman L, 1995. Reflections on emerging frameworks of health and human rights. Health and Human Rights. 1(4):314-48.
52 Mertus J in collaboration with Dutt M and Flowers N, 1995. Our Human Rights: A Manual for Women's Human Rights. Organising Committee, People's Decade for Human Rights Education, New York; Afkhami M and Vaziri H, 1996. Claiming Our Rights: A Manual for Women's Human Rights in Muslim Societies. Sisterhood Is Global Institute, Washington DC; Yamin AE, 1993. Empowering visions: toward a dialectical pedagogy of human rights. Human Rights Quarterly. 15:640-85.
53 Greenhalgh S, 1996. The social construction of population science: an intellectual, institutional, and political history of twentieth-century demography. Comparative Studies in Society and History. 38 (1):26-66.
54 See footnote 53
55 Greenhalgh goes on to critique 'diffusion theory', the theoretical rationale used in family planning work to justify the programmatic focus on spreading contraceptives. Asserting that the assumptions underlying diffusion theory are both ahistorical and apolitical, she draws this devastating conclusion: 'The term diffusion, for example, is silent about the historically specific political and economic conditions that permit the mass transfer of Western contraceptives to the third world for use in fertility control projects. Through its silence about the structures that support diffusion and its implicit assumption that the place of origin is superior to the place of destination, the notion of diffusion in fact supports a political project, that of justifying efforts to spread modern contraceptives to benighted 'traditional' people. Unintentional though it may be, demographic research serves the political goal of 'making them more like us.' (See footnote 53).
56 See footnote 24
57 Razzaq A, 1994. Keynote paper, Seminar on the Cairo Conference on Population and Development: Human Rights and Moral Issues, Dhaka. Quoted in Amin and Hossain.  above.