''Such exemption had been granted by (the former King of) Salyan to the following clans (thar) of high-ranking people as well as untouchables (pauni). We hereby reconfirm those exemptions.
List of Exempted Thars
1. Magar Kanwar in Sangrigaun.
2. Basnyat in Katthagaun.
3. Rokaya in Sapiyagaun.
6. Pun in Dithigaun
7. Gharti in Malneta
3. Salyan Town
5. Bagyala Thapa
6. Hingulya Thapa
Bhadra Badi 3, 1867
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, pp. 326-27.
Miscellaneous Documents on the Timber Export Trade On Bhadra Badi 13, 1932 (August 1875), Colonel Fatte Bahadur Kunwar Rana of the Shamsher Dal Paltan was reconfirmed as Chief of Kathmahal operations in the region west of the Tribeni river and east of the Mahakali river. These operations were currently yielding a revenue of Rs 41,549-14 a year. Apparently in appreciation of his success in increasing revenue from that source, his jagir emoluments were increased from Rs 4,154 to oRs 6,400 as year. The increment was to be effective only during the period of the assignment.
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 67, pp. 163-171.
On poush Sudi 13, 1938, Prime Minister Ranoddip Singh ordered an inquiry into unauthorized clearing of protected forests and elephant-poaching in the Tarai region east (91/139) and west (91/143) of the Kosi river as well as in the Naya Muluk (93/117).
On Marga Badi 5, 1940, Lt. Simha Bahadur Thapa Chhetri, was placed in charge of timber sales from forests on the birta lands of Shri 3 Bada Maharaja. He was ordered to spend not more than 10 percent of the sales proceeds for payment of salaries to employees appointed for that purpose.
Baisakh Badi 30, 1943
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 77, pp. 532-41.
On Poush Sudi 2, 1940, the following order was sent to Major-Captain Harilal Upadhyaya of the Mahottari Revenue Office:-
(1) Timber on the birta lands of Shri 3 Rani Saheb (i.e. wife of Prime Minister Ranoddip Singh) shall be cut and transported through private merchants on Khuski basis as far as possible.
(2) If no private merchant makes an offer, an amount not exceeding Rs 4,000 in installments of Rs 1,000 each shall be issed to Lt. Simha Bahadur Thapa Chhetri to cut the timber, since the lands cannot otherwise be brought into cultivation. The amount shall be reimbursed from the proceeds of the sale of timber.
No private merchant made an offer to cut timber from the forests. Accordingly, Rs 2,000 was issued to Lt. Simha Bahadur Thapa Chhetri for that purpose.
Baisakh Badi 11, 1943
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 77, pp. 488-499.
An agreement had been signed with private merchants for the sale of timber from the Tribeni-Dwar Kathmahal in Nawalpur. The timber was to be cut from the local forests on tipeta basis, i.e. on government account. To supply the stipulated quantity in full, the chief of that Kathmahal, Major-Captain Bakhan Singh Basnyat Chhetri, was permitted to cut timber from the prohibited forests of Tamaspur and Thakre-Khola.
Baisakh Sudi 7, 1942
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 77. pp. 560-66.
Commander-in-Chief General Jit Jung owned a birta forest in the Kamala-Khunj area of Saptari district, which he had inherited from (Ganga) Maharani, a Princess of Cuttack in India whom Prime Minister Jung Bahadur had married. On Magh Sudi 15, 1942, a one-year ijara was granted to Jujuman of Bhaktapur for the export of wax, honey, pipla mul, piper longum, and terminalia chebula from that forest for a sum of Rs 363. (77/713).
On Magh Badi 30, 1942, Captain Dharmadatta Upadhyaya, chief of the Koshi-Pachhuwari Kathmahal in Saptari district, was ordered to credit the sale proceeds, of timber from birta forests of Sri 3 Kanchha Maharani (i.e. wife of Prime Minister Bir Shumshere) in the accounts of His Majesty and transmit the amount to the appropriate Revenue Office.
Baisakh Badi 12, 1943
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 77, pp. 503-509.
Dry timber from forests underthe jurisdiction of Mahakali and Guwari Kathmahals in Kanchanpur district, as marked by the Forest Inspection Office (Ban Janch), was sold to Goapa Das, a merchant. He was expected to lift the timber within the stipulated time-limit on payment of the stipulated price and duties (mahasul).
Baisakh Sudi 2, 1943
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 77, pp. 548-549.
An agreement had been signed with Brigadier Colonel Ran Singh Sijapati Chhetri for the sale of dry timber from the Babai-Dwar Kathmahal in Bardiya district. The timber was to be marked by the Ban Janch for that purpose. The quantity stipulated under the agreement could not be supplied in full, hence the advance payment made by the Brigadier-Colonel was refunded.
Baisakh Sudi 7, 1943
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 77, pp. 566-578.
Fees on Copper-Plate Inscriptions of
Birta Grants Birta grants to influential persons were often inscribed on copper plate, and fees were collected in consideration of such inscriptions. The rates of such fees, according to a royal decree of 1807, were as follows:
Fees on Copper-Plate Inscriptions of
In addition to these fees, whch accued to the government, separate fees were collected on behalf of the kapardar, the Taksari, and other functionaries. (5/157). These fees were often waived for top-ranking beneficiaries of Birta grants, such such as royal priests. (5/362).
Regmi Research (Private) Ltd ISSN: 0034-348X
Regmi Research Series
Year 14, No. 8
Kathmandu: August 1982
Mahesh C. Regmi
1. King Mukunda Sen's Invasion of Kathmandu Valley … 113
2. Fiscal Policy of King Prithvi Narayan Shah … 119
3. Saptari and Mahottari Affairs, A.D. 1810-11 … 123
Regmi Research (Private) Ltd
Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal
(For private study and research only, not meant for public sale, distribution and display).
King Mukunda Sen's Invasion of Kathmandu Valley
(Continued from the July 1982 issue)
Condensed from : Mahesh Ran Pant and Dinesh Raj Pant, ''Nepalakhaldoma Palpali Raja Mukunda Senako Hamala'' (Invasion of Kathmandu Valley by King Mukunda Sen of Palpa), Purnima, No. 45, Jestha 2037 (May-June 1980) pp. 1-24).
A palm-leaf manuscript in Newari script is available at the Kaiser Library in Kathmandu (No. 369). It contains the text of the Dharmashatra work Naradasmriti. Its colophon shows that it was transcripted in 1567 Vikrama by an astrologer named Ratna Simha, who lived in southern Kathmandu during the reign of King Ratna Malla.
The first folio of the manuscript contains the following account. The dates have been given as calculated in : Naya Raj Pant and Dinesh Ran Pant, ''Nepala-Khaldoma Palpali Raja Mukunda Senako Hamala Sambandhi Dinaka Ganana.'' (Calculation of Mukuna Sen of Palpa), Purnima, No. 42, 2036 Vikrama (A.D. 1979), pp. 67-100).
''On Monday, Magha Krishna Shasthi, 645 Nepal Samvat, (corresponding to Falgun 19, 1581 Vikrama Samvat), Thankot, Sinkwatha, and Aglagama were set on fire. Mukunda Sen, Vikrama Sen, Bhuwana Sen, and Rudra Sen, all of whom were Magar Kings of Palpa, came along with others, making a total of eleven persons. On Falgun 22, they set fire to Kirtipur. The next day (Falgun 23), fines were collected all over Nepal. there were about 20 soldiers. 201 people were taken in custody…. (On Falgun 20), there was a battle at Chandragiri.''
Another folio of the same manuscript contains the following account:-
''On Marga Krishna Tritiya, 470 Nepal Samvat (1406 Vikrama Samvat), Shamshuddin Sultan conquered Nepal. on that day, Pashupati, Simbhu, Bhadgaun, Patan, Yangla (southern part of Kathmandu town)/_were set on fire. (For the indentification of Yangla and Yambu with the southern and northern parts of Kathmandu town respectively, see Gautamavajra Vajracharya, ''Yangal, Yambu,'' In Contributions to Nepalese Studies, published by the Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies of the Tribhuwan University, Year 1, No. 2, 2031 Vikrama (A.D. 1974), pp. 90-98).
''On Wednesday, Falgun Krishna Dashami, 646 Nepal Samvat (1582 Vikrama Samvat), the Magar King Mukunda Sen conquered Kirtipur. The next day, he laid siege to Patan, and, on the following day (Friday), Bawa (Chapagaun) fell. (For the identification of Bawa with Chapagaun, see Shankar Man Rajvamshi, ''Siddhinarasimha Malla Bhanda Agadika Patanaka Shasakaharuka Kehi Tadapatra'' (Some palm-leaf inscriptions
/_and Yambu (northern part of Kathmandu town)
of Kings of Patan before Siddhinarasimha Malla), Purnima, No. 12, 2023 Vikrama (A.D. 1966), p. 20). Many soldiers were captured. There were 51 Magars. On the new moon day (Aunshi), they went to Pashupati for a bath. The next day, they set fire to Thimi and Bode. Two Magars were captured from Changu, and two others from Patan. The troops besieged Yangla and Yambu for three nights and four days from Tuesday, Chaitra Shulka Saptami (Chaintra 24). They set fire to Simbhu, Thamel, Naksal, and Dharmasthali. The Magars fled four days later. Eight attempts to set fire to Khusibahil failed.''
(This translation had first been published in : Mahesh Raj Pant and Denish Raj Pant, ''Nepalakhaldoma Palpali Raja Mukunda Senako Hamalako Pramanavakya (Anuvadasahita)'', (Documentary evidence of the invasion of Kathmandu Valley by King Mukunda Sen of Palpa, along with a translation), Purnima, No. 42, pp. 101-2. Some inaccuracies in that translation have been corrected here).
It is clear that these notes were inserted 14 or 15 years after the manuscript of Naradasmriti was originally transcripted.
Before commencing our account of King Mukunda Sen's invasion of Nepal Valley in 1582Vikrama, it is necessary to say a few words about Shamshuddin's invasion as mentioned by the author of the manuscript, an event which occurred nearly 175 years earlier.
Sultan Shamshuddin Iliyas of Bengal invaded Nepal Valley in Marga 1406 Vikrama. in order to vanquish the enemy, he had followed the policy of setting fire everywhere in the course of this invasion. His success in implementing this policy can be ascertained from the following statements contained in contemporary documents:
''The whole of Nepal was turned into ashes.'' (Gopalarajavamshawali, Falio 28B).
''Fire raged everywhere.'' (Ibid, Folio, 52A).
''All the towns of Nepal were destroyed by fire.'' (Inscription of Meghapala at Pimbahal in Patan, 1414 Vikrama).
''Nepal was razed to the ground and destroyed by fire everywhere.'' (Stone inscription of Rajaharsha at Simbhu, 1429 Vikrama).
Not even holy shrines such as Pashupati and Swayambhu were spared during Shamshuddin's invasion. Evidence contained in contemporary documents shows that the linga of Pashupati was broken into three fragments, and that the Swayambhu Chaitya was set on fire. As a result:
''Panic spread among the people, and the people of Bhaktapur suffered greatly.'' (Gopalarajavamshawali, Folio 28B)
Since this account was written by a victim of the invasion, it can easily be imagined how terrible it was.
There is evidence that the memory of this invasion lasted for a long time afterwards. The stone inscription installed at Swayambhu after its renovation in 1652 Vikrama states: ''Greatly distressed by contamination at the hands of the Turks, the King renovated the Stupa of the Buddha.'' (Dhanavajra Vijracharya, Purnima, No. 6, pp. 11-12).
The above-mentioned note (in the copy of the Naradasmriti was inserted nearly 70 years before the renovation of Swayambhu. It is clear that the author of the note had not been able to forget Shamshuddin's invasion, since he has mentioned it before describing the invasion of Mukunda Sen.
Not only Shamshuddin, but Doya-s and Khasa-s too had invaded Nepal Valley before Mukunda Sen. As a matter of fact, Shamshuddin had invaded Nepal Valley only once, whereas the Doya-s and Khasa-s left a longer impact, and this must be the reason why the author of the note has mentioned that invasion alone. Although the Vamshawali account of Shamshuddhin's invasion is in general terms, Pashupati, Swayambhu, and Pimbahal in Patan. The account creats the impression that Shamshuddin committed depredations in the shrines of Pashupati and Swayambhu, situated outside the town of Kathmandu in the east and the south respectively, but did little inside the town itself. It present note, written nearly 175 years after Shamshuddin's invasion, shows that he attacked not only Pashupati, Swayambhu, Bhadgaun, and Patan, but both the northern and southern parts of Kathmandu town as well.
The Gopalarajavamshawali states that Shamshuddin attacked Bhaktapur on Marga Shukla Nawami, 1406 Vikrama. according to stone inscription of Rajaharsha, he attacked Simbhu the next day. Again, according to the Gopalarajavamshawali, he set fire to different places for seven days after Marga Shukla Nawami, 470 Nepal Samvat (1406 Vikrama Samvat). (Purnima, Vol. 8, pp. 8-9). The present note, however, shows that Sultan Shamshuddin continued his depredations in Nepal Valley for more than seven days.
The terrible invasion of Nepal Valley by King Mukunda Sen of Palpa is described in several Vamshawalis. Even then, there is a difference of several centuries between the dates they have mentioned and the actual date of the invasion. Consequnelty, serious historians had come to the conclusion
that Mukunda Sen's invasion was not an actual historical fact. Now our research has led to the discovery of contemporary and authoritative evidence of the invasion. It is not clear that even though the authors of the Vamshawalis had been unable to give the authentic date of Mukunda Sen's invasion, they retained the memory of that invasion.
We shall now comment on the contents of the note concerning Mukunda's Sen invasion (contained in the manuscript of Naradasmriti).
During the invasion of Nepal Valley, King Mukunda Sen of Palpa was accompanied by Vikrama Sen, Bhuwana Sen, and Rudra Sen. The note states that there were a total of eleven persons including these four, but it may be presumed that these eleven persons were commanders, and that the size of the invading force was quite big. We do not know anything about Vikrama Sen, Bhuwana Sen, and Rudra Sen, and how they were related to Mukunda Sen. But because of the common clan name of Sen, we may presume that they were all relatives. Mukunda Sen's father too who called Rudra Sen, but the Rudra Sen who accompanied him during his invasion of Nepal Valley appears to be a different person.
On Monday, Magh Krishna Shasthi, 1581 Vikrama (Falgun 19), the invading Palpa force set fire to Thankot, Sin Kwatha, and Aglagama, according to the note. The next day, there was a battle at Chandragiri, and the number of soldiers has been given as twenty. This shows that Mukunda Sen launched his invasion first in the Thankot area. We do not know the identity of Sinkwatha and Aglagama, but we may presume that these villages were located around Thankot. At another place, the note mentions Singwatha instead of Sinkwatha, and Agragama instead of Aglagama. After thus setting fire to Thankot and the adjoining villages on Falgun 19, the Palpa force clashed with local troops the next day (Falgun 20) at Chandragiri. The note states that there were about twenty soldiers, but does not indicate which side they belonged to.
Because Thankot and the adjoining villages suffered the first blows during Mukunda Sen's invasion, and also because the two sides clashed at Chandragiri, Mukunda Sen's force seems to have descended into Nepal Valley through Chandragiri.
On the third day after the clash at Chandragiri, that is, on Falgun 22, the note states that the invading Palpa force set fire to Kirtipur.
In addition, the note mentions that Mukunda Sen invaded Nepal Valley and collected a fine from the local inhabitants. The Doya and Khasa invaders too had done so. (Purnima, No. 4, pp. 21-22, 25-26, and 28; No. 6, p. 26; Karnali Pradesha Ek Bito Adhyayana (Studies on the Karnali Zone), p. 34).
The note then states that 200 persons were captured, but does not indicate which side they belonged to.
We also learn from the note that Mukunda Sen invaded Nepal Valley for the second time after thirteen months. Jitari Malla had similarly invaded Nepal Valley every year for three successive years. (Purnima, No. 6, pp. 21-23).
The note states that on Wednesday, Falgun Krishna Dashami, 1582 Vikrama (Chaitra 11), Mukunda Sen conquered Kirtipur, and that on the following day he laid siege to Patan. On Chaitra 13, Chapagaun was freed, and many soldiers were captured. This shows that the local troops defeated the invading force and reoccupied Chapagaun, and many soldiers of Palpa were captured.
The note states that there were 51 Magars, who sent to Pashupati for a bath on the new moon day. This appears to have been the day of the Ghodejatra festival.
The next day, the invading force set fire to Thimi and Bode. Two Magars were captured in both Changu and Patan.
On Chaitra 24, Mukunda Sen's force laid siege to both the southern and northern parts of Kathmandu town. The siege lasted three nights and four days. The invaders set fire to Simbhu, west of Kathmandu, Thamel in the north, Naksal in the east, and Dharmasthali, located north of Tokha at a comparatively greater distance from Kathmandu. The Magars then fled four days later. This shows that Kathmandu was able to break the siege after three nights and four days. Mukunda Sen's troops then fled across the Vishnumati river, for the note states that they made eight abortive attempts to set fire to Khusibahil, which is located on the western banks of the river on the way to Tahachal.
The note makes it clear that Mukunda Sen's troops did not refrain from setting fire even to such an ancient Buddhist shrineas Simbhu.
The well-known Vihara of Thambahil, now known as Bhadgawan Bahal, seems to have given its name to the entire locality, Thamel. During the thirteenth century of the Vikrama era, the Tibetan Bhikshu, Dharmakirti, had resided at Thambahil. (HMG and UNESCO, Kathmandu Valley: The Preservation of Physical Environment and Culteral Heritage, A Protective Inventory, Vienna, 2033 Vikrama (A.D. 1975), Vol. 2, p. 13). This is claimed to be the earlist reference to Thambahil, but the Nilavamshawaliof Tibet mentions that Dipankara Shrignyana (Atisa,) who visited Nepal Valley around the end of the eleventh century Vikrama, built the big shrine of Thambahil. (George N. Roerich, The Blue Annals, Calcutta. Asiatic Society of Bengal, 2006 Vikrama (A.D. 1949), p. 24). Mukunda Sen's troops thus set fire even to the Buddhist shrine of Thambahil, which had been well-known during the past five centuries.
The area whch is now known as Naksal was called Nilishala during the rule of Amshuvarma in the Licchavi period. (Licchavi Kalaka Abhilekha, p. 354). Amshuvarma's inscription at Gairhidhara in Nakshal describes a water-spout there as ''Nilishalapranali.'' We may presume that Naksal is a corrupt form of Nilishala. The manuscript of Saurasambita, transcribed in the Vikrama year 998, mentions ''Ninishala,'' obviously meaning Naksal. (Har Prasad Shastri, A Catalogue of Palm-Leaf and Selected Paper Manuscripts Belonging to the Durbar Library Nepal, Vol. 1, p. 44). During the time when Mukunda Sen invaded Nepal Valley, that is, around 1582 Vikrama, this place was thus called Nanisal, and it was set on fire by his troops. (According to the Gopalarajavamshawali, Narendra Deva's successor, Shiva Deva, built a Vihara at Mandishala).
The village of Dharmasthali had already been settled during the Licchavi period, for Shiva Deva and Amshuvarma had installed an inscription addressed to the inhabitants of that village in 517 Samvat (653 Vikrama Samvat). Since the inscription is broken, it is not clear what the ancient name of that village was. (Licchavi Kalaka Abhilekha, pp. 357-58). The note shows that Mukunda Sen's troops set fire to the village of Dharmasthali also.
In addition, the note states that Mukunda Sen's troops made eight abortive attempts to set fire to Khusibahil, located on the Bhimsenthan-Tahachal road on the western banks of the Vishnumati river. The HMF-UNESCO inventory of ancient temples and viharas in Nepal Valley does not note the earlier reference to this Vihara. It only states that the earlest available reference is dated 1738 Vikrama (Vol. 2, p. 107). It is, therefore, possible that the present note (in the Naradasmriti manuscript) is the earliest reference to Khusibahil.
The note states that Mukunda Sen's troops set fire to Thimi and Bode in the Bhadgaun area, but does not mention that they invaded Bhadgaun town. It is thus clear that they were not able to enter into the town.
All this shows that like the Tirhut, Khasa, and Muslim invaders who proceeded them, the Palpa invaders followed the policy of setting fire to different places with the objective of defeating the local rulers and inhabitants.
(Reference: Purnima, No. 4, pp. 25-26; No. 6, pp. 22-23, 25-26; No. 8, pp. 8-10).
Since Shamshuddin was a Muslim, there is evidence that he devastated both Shaiva and Buddhist shrines. Not even the well-known Shaiva temple of Pashupati was spared, and the Muslims broke the linga into three fragments. Shamshuddin's troops also destroyed the famous Chaitya of Swayambhu. The Khasa-s believed in both Shaivism and Buddhism (Karnali Pradesh Eka Bito Adhyayana, pp. 58-61), hence, unlike the Muslim
invaders, they did not destroy temples and shrines even while setting fire to villages. Instead, they worshipped at the shrines of Pashupati, Swayambhu, and Rato Machhindra. (Purnima, No. 6, pp. 22-23). During the their last invasion of Nepal Valley, in 1368 Vikrama, the Doya-s, although not following a different religion, set fire to temples and shrines, destroyed them, and confiscated temple property. (Purnima, No. 4, pp. 26-27). Since the Palpa invaders who visited Pashupati for a bath set fire to Buddhist shrines such as Simbhu, Bhagawan Bahal, and Khusibahil, it is necessary to give some explanations in this regard.
(To be Continued).
Fiscal Policy of King Prithvi Narayan Shah By
Mahesh Chandra Regmi
''Shri 5 Prithvi Narayana Shaha ra Unako Artha (Rajaswa) Niti'' (King Prithvi Narayan Shah and his fiscal policy), Manakamana, published by the village Reform Committee, Manakamana, Bakrang, Bhogteni, in Gorkha on the 260th birth anniversary of Prithvi Narayan Shah on Poush 27, 2038 (January 11, 1982), edited by Shivahari Marahatta, Year 1, No. 1, pp. 65-70).
In A.D. 1775, when King Prithvi Narayan Shah died, the western frontier of the Kingdom of Nepal did not cross the Marsyangdi river. The Kingdom encompassed Pallokirat in the east, the eastern Tarai region in the south, and a few areas in the inner Tarai region. The three Kingdoms of Kathmandu Valley had been uprooted, and the capital had been transferred from Gorkha to Kathmandu. In the west, the principality of Jajarkot, beyond the Bheri river, had acknowledged Gorkha's suzerainty.
Lack of economic sources was the main problem that Prithvi Narayan Shah faced in the campaign of unification of the Kingdom of Nepal. Gorkha was neither a large principality nor one abundantly endowed with resources. It was not listed among the Chaubisi principalities of the Gandaki region, and,