Consult Japan cp bfi 2016 – bfi 2016 1NC

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Consult Japan CP BFI 2016 – BFI 2016


Text: The United States Federal Government should enter into prior binding consultation with the nation of Japan over whether it should __________.

Consultation is ultra-key right now in 2016, six issues it solves (East Asian Stability, Econ, China, North Korea, Russia, Okinawa Bases)

Hitoshi Tanaka, 15 February 2016, JCIE Senior fellow at the Japan Center for International Exchange and chairman of the Institute for International Strategy at the Japan Research Institute, Ltd. previously served as Japan’s deputy minister for foreign affairs.

In 2016, the regional order in East Asia will continue to be characterized by a sense of instability. A key question as 2016 progresses will be: how best to focus US–Japan cooperation to address both the challenges and opportunities that accompany the rise of China? There are six thorny issues that carry the potential to undermine US–Japan cooperation. Close, careful US–Japan consultation and cooperation is required to ensure that these issues do not create a wedge in the alliance. The first issue relates to the future of US global leadership. The world is watching the US presidential election closely for signs of the foreign policy path the next US president will take. While it is still a long road to the White House, the kind of divisive, and at times xenophobic, debate we have seen so far is damaging to the long-term credibility of US global leadership. Continued US leadership is critical to maintain and strengthen liberal and free-market values as well as the stability and prosperity of East Asia. The United States, East Asia and the world need a US president with the stomach for strong global leadership based on deep cooperation and consultation with US allies and partners, rather than one who advocates unilateralist or isolationist thinking. The second is mega-regional trade agreements including the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) deal reached in October 2015. In light of China’s efforts to launch the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, roll out the One Belt, One Road initiative and reach a Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership with the ASEAN+6 nations, the TPP is critical to the future credibility of US regional leadership. The TPP is not simply a vehicle to facilitate increased trade, but a means to shape 21st-century rules for economic governance and to promote and entrench liberal free-market principles in Asia Pacific. Indonesia’s decision in September 2015 to choose China over Japan to build a high-speed train line between Jakarta and Bandung is illustrative of what is at stake. The US$5.5 billion Chinese proposal was attractive given that it required neither financing nor a loan guarantee from the Indonesian government. But many questions remain regarding the transparency of the proposal and the ability of China to meet international standards, including on labour and environmental regulations. It is thus critical that the United States, Japan and the broader international community engage with Chinese-led economic initiatives to help steer China toward a greater embrace of international best practices. The TPP has an open-accession clause to create a clear and transparent process through which other countries — including China, Indonesia and South Korea — can join in the future. The United States and Japan should actively promote the expansion of TPP membership, especially to these countries. Third is the need to demilitarise the South China Sea. The construction of artificial landfill islands by China in the South China Sea has set back efforts to peacefully negotiate a diplomatic resolution to existing territorial disputes. The potential for the future construction on the artificial islands, as well as high-profile attempts by the People’s Liberation Army Navy to enforce no-fly zones, risks further militarising the South China Sea. Further military build-up in the South China Sea will undoubtedly feed regional tensions and increase the risk of accidental conflict. Until a diplomatic resolution can be peacefully negotiated between China and the ASEAN countries, it is vital that all parties be alert to China’s incremental changes. At the same time, the United States and Japan must coordinate and cooperate to persuade China that freedom of navigation, in what is a vital sea route for international commerce and the energy security of East Asia, is in the shared interest of all. The fourth challenge is that of North Korea. On 6 January 2016, North Korea tested a nuclear device for the fourth time — the second under Kim Jong-un’s leadership. This time, the international community must go beyond business-as-usual measures to deal with the North Korean nuclear program. In order to truly alter North Korea’s behaviour, economic sanctions, including financial sanctions, will need to be strengthened. Beijing has a big role to play. Irrespective of its apparent change in attitude after the third North Korean nuclear test in 2013, China has continued to provide substantive assistance to North Korea. For any form of sanctions to be effective, though, the international community as a whole, including China and Russia, must fully back them. South Korea, Japan and the United States must deepen cooperation and adopt a unified approach on sanctions policy as well as on joint contingency planning. The three nations also need to consult with China and Russia to form a united front to apply greater pressure on North Korea. An immediate restart of the denuclearisation process under the Six-Party Talks may be difficult, but without the right measures to pressure and isolate North Korea, nothing will be achieved. Fifth, the United States and Japan should also coordinate their Russia policies. Since Vladimir Putin and Shinzo Abe both returned to power in 2012, the two leaders have shown a willingness to deal with the issue of the Northern Territories (referred to as the Southern Kuril Islands in Russia). But then Russia annexed Crimea in March 2014 and plans were put on hold. Since then, Japan has stuck to its international obligations and imposed sanctions against Russia. But, if it appears that an acceptable agreement can be reached on the Northern Territories, an issue that has blocked the normalisation of Japan–Russia relations since the end of World War II, Japan will have no choice but to seize the opportunity. It is important that the United States and Japan maintain very close coordination and not allow Russia to utilise the Northern Territories issue to drive a wedge between them. They must also make clear to Russia that any Russo–Japanese cooperation to resolve the Northern Territories dispute will not translate into an acceptance of the annexation of Crimea. The final key issue facing the US and Japan is that of US military bases in Okinawa. The battle between the Okinawa prefectural government and the Japanese central government regarding the relocation of the US Marine Corps Futenma Air Station has reached something of an impasse. While the United States might be happy to leave this to the Japanese government to deal with, ultimately the United States will also have to suffer the consequences of Okinawa’s local opposition. Deep US–Japan consultations must continue, which should be conducted as part of regularised reviews of the US forward deployment structure and how it relates to US–Japan alliance goals. While a continued US forward deployment presence in Okinawa is critical, if the situation is not handled with due sensitivity for local Okinawan concerns, base protests will continue to be a thorn in the side of alliance relations. The overall US forward deployment posture in East Asia should be evaluated in light of advances in new military technologies and the need to respond to regional security challenges in a dynamic way. A more evenly rotated distribution of US soldiers across the region would not only help reduce the burden on Okinawa over the long term, but also be strategically desirable in responding to a range of new threats. The choices made now about how to deal with these six challenges will go a long way toward determining the future regional order. With deep and regularised consultations across all aspects of the alliance — including on security, economic, and diplomatic strategy — not only can the United States and Japan deepen the foundation of their cooperation, but they can also more effectively work together with China to steer its rise in a mutually beneficial direction.


The US just visited Japan to discuss China, Consultation with Japan is not normal means no plans in the immediate future, also Japan says yes

BY JESSE JOHNSON STAFF WRITER JUN 18, 2016 “Top U.S. diplomat to visit Tokyo for talks with Japan, India; China likely to be focus of discussions”

A top U.S. diplomat will make a three-day trip to Tokyo starting Sunday for trilateral talks with India and Japan — a meeting likely to touch on maritime security and cooperation amid Beijing’s growing assertiveness in the South China Sea. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Daniel Russel will visit the capital through Tuesday, where he will co-host a U.S. delegation with Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Nisha Biswal, the U.S. State Department said in a statement Friday. He will meet both Japanese and Indian government officials to discuss trilateral cooperation and region-specific issues, the statement added. These discussions will likely include the disputed South China Sea, where Beijing has embarked on a massive land-reclamation program that has stoked concern in the region. On Wednesday, Russel will travel to Osaka for meetings with Japanese business leaders. Maritime Self-Defense vessels joined a U.S. Navy aircraft-carrier strike group along with warships from India to jointly practice anti-submarine warfare, air defense and search-and-rescue drills in the Malabar exercises — one of the largest and most complex drills held by the three countries — in waters east of Okinawa. Defense Ministry officials said Thursday that a Chinese reconnaissance vessel entered Japanese territorial waters in the East China Sea west of Kuchinoerabu Island in Kagoshima Prefecture around 3:30 a.m. Wednesday. The incursion was just the second time a Chinese military vessel had entered Japanese waters since the end of World War II. The vessel appeared to be monitoring two Indian warships that entered Japanese waters for the Malabar drills, officials told Kyodo News. The Chinese ship may have been gathering information about the annual drill, which Beijing has protested in prior years. Japan has bolstered its defense ties with India in recent years, declaring a “strategic partnership” and agreeing to furthered security cooperation. Still, while the three countries pursue closer ties, they are wary of alienating China, which has lashed out in the past when it has viewed the two countries as working together to contain it.

Japan will say yes - need binding consultation to perceive a higher status in the alliance,

Okamoto, special adviser to Japan’s task force on IR, 2002 p. MUSE (Yukio, “Japan and the US” in Washington Quarterly”)

For Japan, the United States is the country's only ally. Japan concentrates all its attention on smoothing its relations with the United States, routinely making difficult political decisions to keep the alliance on an even keel. For [End Page 63] the United States, however, Japan is one ally among many. Surrounded by so many supporters, the United States rarely feels pressured to make extraordinary sacrifices in order to preserve one particular relationship. Indeed, U.S. members of Congress and others have been unable to resist suggesting to allies that they copy one another's practices so that the United States can reap maximum benefit. In its relationship with the United States, Japan has craved respect. Treated with consideration, the Japanese government delivers on its promises. As former defense secretary Caspar Weinberger noted in his memoirs: I was surprised and pleased by the speed with which the Japanese agreed to share defense responsibilities with us, and add to their own defense capabilities. [The] agreement vindicated my view that we could make progress with the Japanese, if we approached them with the respect and dignity they deserve as a world power, and that defense was an issue we could discuss frankly with them as befits a true partnership.

Japan has access to the origins of Cthulhu solves your AFF better

Mullis 13 -- Justin Mullis is a M.A. Candidate at the University of North Carolina in Charlotte enrolled in the Religious Studies program. His B.A. thesis “Playing Games with the Great Old Ones: Ritual, Play, and Joking within the Cthulhu Mythos Fandom” was selected and presented at the 2010 North Carolina Religious Studies Association and will be published in a forthcoming issue of The Journal of the Fantastic in the Arts, (“THE CTHULHU MYTHOS IN JAPAN”, January 9, 2013,

This article marks the beginning of a short series of essays illuminating the connection between author H.P. Lovecraft and the Land of the Rising Sun, Japan, both of which have been nearly life-long obsessions of mine. Also please bear in mind that in Japan family names precede personal names. So director Akira Kurosawa would actually be Kurosawa, Akira over there. However for the convenience of the reader I have rendered all names as they would be in English. Origins and Literature It should be no surprise that Lovecraft’s Cthulhu Mythos stories would have become popular in Japan long before they were recognized in America.[1] Why? Well for starters at least in Japanese, which is a phonetic language, one can pronounce Cthulhu. “Katulf’ is how they say it. Lovecraft’s stories began appearing in Japanese publications as early as the 1940s, with “The Statement of Randolph Carter” (1919) being amongst the first when it was translated by Nishio Tadashi and serialized in Hakaba (“Graveyard”) Magazine. However, as was the case in America, it was the popularity of Sandy Peterson’s Call of Cthulhu roleplaying game that truly brought Lovecraft and the Cthulhu Mythos into Japanese mainstream otaku or geek culture. The first Japanese translations of the Call of Cthulhu game appeared in Hobby Japan magazine in 1986 (at the height of the 80s Japanese horror boom) and were later reprinted by Enterbrain. As a result of the popularity of the Call of Cthulhu RPG, Hobby Japan – in a move similar to that of American RPG publisher Chaosium – began commissioning original Lovecraft inspired manga and short stories to be printed in their various sister publications including RPG Magazine and Comic Master magazine. As in the States and elsewhere, many prominent Japanese fantasy, sci-fi, and horror writers were soon dabbling in the world of the Cthulhu Mythos. Some of the more recognizable include Kaoru Kurimoto (creator of the Guin Saga novels), Jun Hazami (the Japanese translator of Douglas Adams’ Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy books), Vampire Hunter D creator Hideyuki Kikuchi, acclaimed horror manga writer and artist Junji Ito (Tomie, Uzumaki, Gyo) as well as the renowned manga-ka Shigeru Mizuki; creator of the celebrated children’s horror manga GeGeGe no Kitaro (1956 to Present) the premises of which is akin to a cross between Seymour Reit and Joe Oriolo’s Casper the Friendly Ghost and Mike Mignola’s Hellboy. In 1963 Mizuki penned a manga adaptation of Lovecraft’s “The Dunwich Horror” titled “Chitei no Ashioto” (“Footsteps of the Underworld”) which kept the plot exactly the same but changed the character’s names and moved the story to rural Japan. However, amongst the numerous Japanese writers who have been influenced by Lovecraft’s Legacy two in particular rise above the rest: Chiaki J. Konaka (b. 1961) and Ken Asamatsu (b. 1956). Chiaki J. Konaka is a prolific writer who has worked in print as well as in film, television, anime and tokusatsu. For anime fans some of Konaka’s best known works include; Armitage III (1995), Serial Experiments Lain (1998), BIG O (1999-2003), Digimon Tamers (2001), RahXephon (2002), Texhnolyze (2003), and Ghost Hound (2007), just to name a few. Konaka is also well known to fans of the long running and much beloved tokusatsu superhero series Ultraman having worked on several different incarnations including Ultraman Tiga, Ultraman Gaia, Ultraman Max, and Ultra Q: Dark Fantasy. In a future post we will look more closely at Lovecraft’s influence within the anime and tokusatsu genres including the shows written by Konaka. Konaka, as life-long fan of Lovecraft and the Cthulhu Mythos, has admitted to frequently borrowing “elements of H.P.L. and other authors of the Cthulhu Saga for my scenarios.”[2] The Lovecraftian and Cthulhu Mythos related elements which Konaka places in his work range from the obscure (the name of the android title character in Armitage III is taken from the heroic professor of the same name in “The Dunwich Horror”) to the overt, including his 1992 screenplay Innsmouth wo ô Kage, an adaptation of Lovecraft’s “The Shadow over Innsmouth”, which was turned into a made for TV movie. Konaka has said that as a writer for TV, where deadlines are often very short, one of the major benefits of borrowing from Lovecraft’s Cthulhu Mythos universe is that it saves time in fleshing out a story. “I don’t have the desire to create an original world for each new production”, notes Konaka, “So when it’s effective, I use [Lovecraft’s] elements.” In addition to Lovecraft, Konaka is also a big fan of Lewis Carroll’s Alice in Wonderland and will also borrow elements from there as well. When it comes to original Mythos fiction, very little of Konaka’s output is currently available for an English audience. To my knowledge his short stories “Those Who Walk in the Abyss” (1994), “Dagon, Uchusen 88” (1999) and “Shiny [A Little Help from the Gods]” (1999) have never been translated into English. For Japanese readers however, all of them can be found in the collection Those Who Walk in the Abyss (2001) available from publishing company Tokuma Dual Bunko. An English translation of Konaka’s short story “Terror Rate” (2002) does appear in The Inverted Kingdom; the second volume of Ken Asamatsu’s Lair of the Hidden Gods anthology series. “Terror Rate” is about a young woman named Inami Yoshie who is offered a sizeable sum of money to spend the night in an allegedly haunted house as part of an experiment being conducted by a scientist who is interested in measuring the escalation of fear in humans. Inami doesn’t believe in ghosts but does believe herself to be fearless and intends to last the whole night. However like the protagonist in Stephen King’s “1408”, Inami quickly discovers that ghosts are not what she needs to be worried about. The Mythos elements in this story are actually rather subdued with the most overt nod being in the form of a record that Inami finds and plays. Rather than music the record is filled with a familiar chant: ph’nglui mglw’nafh Cthulhu R’lyeh wgah’nagl fhtagn… An interesting take on the ‘evil house’ story, “Terror Rate” is recommended if for no other reason than it being the only literary example of Konaka’s excellent work that English readers can currently get their hands on. The reason why non-Japanese audiences now have stories like Konaka’s “Terror Rate” available in English is in part thanks to one man; Ken Asamatsu who could probably be called Lovecraft’s Official Japanese Ambassador. I say this with little to no hyperbole involved since any attempt to list Asamatsu’s lengthy Mythos related bibliography would undoubtedly end up occupying the rest of this article. Asamatsu first encountered Lovecraft as a teenager while visiting Lovecraft’s home turf of Providence, RI and reading the novella The Case of Charles Dexter Ward. “I was stunned by the way it pulled me in, and its superb structure.” Reports Asamatsu in an interview with James Grainger, “I felt that Lovecraft would be my mentor and guide in literature for the rest of my life.” At that time there was no translation of Lovecraft’s complete works available in Japanese, so Asamatsu, along with several likeminded friends, started translating the missing works themselves while in high school. They also started a Lovecraft-themed fanzine in which they published original horror fiction, criticism, and essays on the occult. Later Asamatsu got a job working for publishing company Kokusho Kankokai and helped to oversee an official translation and release of Lovecraft’s complete works in Japanese. It was also at this time, 1986, that Asamatsu released his debut work; Makyo no Gen’ei (trans. Echoes of Ancient Cults or Phantom of the Devil Cult). This original Mythos-based horror novel tells the story of an aristocratic family who comes to ruin due to a pact made by an ancestor five-centuries earlier with an evil god named Kushiruu (who turns out is Cthulhu under a Japanese alias). “The work itself was very Lovecraftian in nature,” explains Asamatsu, “such as in the way the viscount’s youth is gradually taken over by something inhuman, and the cult itself.” In 1998, Asamatsu set out to publish an anthology of Mythos fiction by Japanese authors. The stories were to all be set in the fictional town of Yotoura; Asamatsu’s idea for a Japanese equivalent of Lovecraft’s own Arkham. The anthology, titled Hishin (trans. “The Hidden Gods”), was published in 1999 and, unfortunately, was a bomb. Asamatsu blames the anthology’s failure on the publisher and also the cultural climate in Japan at the time. In March of 1995, a Japanese based doomsday cult called Aum Shinrikyo had attacked the Tokyo Metro subway line, releasing sarin gas into the air. The attack killed thirteen people, injured fifty and resulted in permanent neurological damage in thousands more. Though it may seem small in comparison this attack was essentially Japan’s version of 9/11 and resulted in a dislike for horror media amongst the Japanese public for years afterwards. In particular, stories about evil cults trying to end the world seemed to be in particularly poor taste. Not all was lost howeve Asamatsu continued writing and eventually decided to put together a second Cthulhu Mythos anthology. This became the two-volume Lairs of the Hidden Gods which collected short Mythos fiction from many of Japan’s top horror writers as well as several essays on Mythos by Japanese writers. Lairs of the Hidden Gods was published by Tokyo Sogensha and proved to be a huge hit with the Japanese public. The success attracted the attention of Kurodahan Press, a publishing house which translates Japanese works into English. Kurodahan Press contacted Asamatsu and got permission to translate and reissue the collection. For the American edition, Kurodahan kept the title Lairs of the Hidden Gods but split the anthology into four smaller volumes: Vol. 1 Night Voice, Night Journeys (2005), Vol. 2 The Inverted Kingdom (2005), Vol. 3 Straight to Darkness (2006), and Vol. 4 The Dreaming God (2007).Also Asamatsu wrote new introductions for each volume while renowned Lovecraft scholar Robert M. Price contributed essays and notes for each volume as well. The stories collected in Lairs of the Hidden Gods span a wide variety from straight Lovecraftian horror to unique fusions of genres including noir, historical fiction, fantasy, sci-fi, romance, and eroticism. A personal favorite of mine is Tanaka Hirofumi’s “The Secret Memoir of the Missionary (Prologue)” translated by Daniel K. Day. Set in the 17th-Century and based around the very real tension that arose in Japan at that time in reaction to Christian missionaries coming to the country to try and convert the populace. Here Hirofumi reimagines the historical figure of St. Francisco Xavier, the “Apostle to the Far East”, as a covert Cthulhu cultist bringing his poisonous new faith to Japan. Fortunately a samurai named Yoshitaka recognizes Xavier’s religion for what it is and steps forth to oppose him. So yes, you eventually get samurai verses Cthulhu spawn. Awesome! Lairs of the Hidden Gods is a great four volume anthology and worth the time of any fan of Lovecraft and the Cthulhu Mythos, especially those who may think they’ve read it all. Of course, as in America, Lovecraft’s eldritch influence quickly spread in Japan beyond the world of horror literature and tabletop gaming infecting the medium of anime, tokustasu and film. As we continue with this series of articles throughout the rest of December and into January we will look at some of those other mediums and how the Mythos have affected them as well.

Congress loves working with Japan – the only thing they hate is the cost which the counterplan solves

Rinehart et al 13 - Emma Chanlett-Avery Specialist in Asian Affairs Ian E. Rinehart Analyst in Asian Affairs, (“The U.S.-Japan Alliance”, December 12, 2013,

Congress has expressed considerable interest in the alliance for a range of reasons. Some Members of Congress have focused on strategic issues, particularly China’s military expansion into maritime and airspace domains, leading to congressional resolutions and letters that largely support Japan’s position in territorial disputes. Many of the concerns from Members of Congress center on the costs associated with the alliance, particularly the price tag on the realignment of marines to Guam. A 2013 Senate Armed Services Committee inquiry into the cost of the U.S. overseas military presence once again raised the issue of appropriate burden-sharing with Japan.

US-Japan Coop solves a laundry list of impacts

TJF 9 -- The Japan Foundation (first organization that specializes in international cultural exchange in Japan. “Japan & US Soft Power: Addressing Global Challenges”, FULBRIGHT/CULCON JOINT SYMPOSIUM, 12 June 2009

In Japan’s relations with Russia and China, exchange programs have been a highly effective application of soft power. However, it is hard to see how soft power will affect North Korea. There are issues in the world where there are no alternatives to hard power, so the question then is how you apply it smartly. For example, sanctions that have no effect are not smart power. In contemplating possible contingencies such as an attack on Japan or South Korea or a collapse of North Korea, it should be noted that China has legitimate security concerns about North Korea and that the US is no longer in a position to manage this situation on its own but must work with the countries in the region. In the context of Japan-US soft power collaboration, we need to figure out how to engage and how to incorporate China in international relations. One approach is to see China, with its command economy model, in an underground competition with us over who will come out of this economic recession in the quickest and most effective manner. Another is to see relations with China not as a zero-sum game; it is a win-win situation. We should attempt to deal with Chinese problems such as CO2 emissions trilaterally. A historical parallel was drawn with Germany in the Bismarck era. Would China, like Kaiser after Bismarck’s peaceful diplomacy of, feel that it should wield its power? We should work on China and lead China to a direction that we would like to see. Afghanistan, counterterrorism, the environment, global warming, energy saving and pandemics prevention were also possible areas for Japan-US collaboration based on shared national interests. If the Democratic Party of Japan becomes the ruling party, more might be invested in eliminating poverty, disarmament of nuclear weapons, women’s empowerment, etc. and this would affect the diplomatic policy of Japan.

CP Solves Energy

Energy AFF -- Bilateral dialogue on energy cooperation fosters in tech and research exchange Solves your AFF better

The White House ‘14 [The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “FACT SHEET: U.S.-Japan Bilateral Cooperation”, April 25th, 2014,] // t-haas

The United States and Japan work together to share our skills and knowledge to develop clean, reliable, and efficient energy resources for current and future generations. The U.S.-Japan Clean Energy Policy Dialogue, most recently held in December 2013, fosters coordination on policies and on research and development activities. Through the Dialogue, U.S. and Japanese researchers are pursuing exchanges on fuel cell, solar, and geothermal technology, and contribute to our governments’ plan to collaborate on a joint project on microgrid systems. The U.S.-Japan Renewable Energy Policy Business Roundtable, held in conjunction with the Dialogue, provides a venue for companies of both countries to discuss policy developments in the clean energy sector, identify new business opportunities, and share information on issues such as creative public-private financing mechanisms for renewable energy projects.

And, research exchange is super key to keep US competitive in the Global market, US and Japanese competition is zero-sum

Dam 93 – Former Professor of Law @ Chicago, Senior Fellow @ Brookings Kenneth Dam, et al., John Deutch, Joseph S. Nye, Jr., and David M. Rowe, Spring 1993, The Washington Quarterly, “Harnessing Japan: A U.S. Strategy for Managing Japan's Rise as a Global Power”

Although there are no signs that U.S.-Japan relations will turn hostile, Japan's rise as a global economic and financial power may nonetheless erode some of the most fundamental sources of U.S. power. Japan's form of "communitarian capitalism," its prowess in process technology, and its broad inroads into several high-technology sectors directly challenge the economic competitiveness of many of the United States's strategic industries. Moreover, Japan's economic success not only enhances its "soft power" by providing an attractive economic model for industrializing countries in Asia and the former Soviet Union to emulate, n2 it also undermines U.S. confidence and highlights U.S. weakness by throwing into sharp relief the country's most glaring domestic policy failures, such as its inability to educate its workforce adequately or to save enough to invest for its future economy.

CP Solves Climate Change

Cooperation and technology are key to Japan’s soft power

AIZAWA 07, President, Tokyo Institute of Technology (Masuo, “Toward the Reinforcement of Science and Technology Diplomacy”, The Council for Science and Technology Policy, April 24, 2007,

The Council for Science and Technology Policy has identified the reinforcement of international cooperation in science and technology as one of the crucial policy issues. The Council has further pointed out that the international contribution to work on environmental problems and related subjects is also an important issue for science and technology policy in terms of furthering innovation. In the times ahead, Japan should take this new perspective of "science and technology diplomacy", a perspective that seeks to capitalize these areas in diplomacy. By doing so, and by reinforcing these activities, Japan should realize its position as an open country while seeking to contribute to innovation in the world. It is of particular importance that Japan makes use of its science and technology capabilities to the greatest extent in order to positively and continuously tackle worldwide issues involved in realizing a sustainable society. This will enhance Japan's "Soft Power" while also linking research cooperation and technology cooperation to foreign policy, all of which are important objectives.

Japan leads global clean tech innovation – government standards and patents

Pentland 10 [William Pentland, Contributer to Forbes, “The Top Cleantech Countries”, December 6th, 2010,] // t-haas

Japan, the world’s most energy-efficient country, is far and away the leader in cleantech innovation, accounting for 37.1% of the inventions in the fields of clean energy and environmental technologies awarded protection under patent laws from 2000 to 2005 according to the study, which is the most comprehensive assessment to date of global standings in cleantech innovation. A major impetus in Japan has been the government’s Top Runner program, established in 1999, which constantly ratchets up energy-efficiency standards: Whenever a manufacturer makes a breakthrough to a new low in power usage with a refrigerator or television, the government makes that model’s level of efficiency the new baseline for the product category. Japan is setting the bar globally for the full spectrum of applications and industries in clean technology, including microgrid technologies, “zero emission” buildings and nuclear energy, where the government is funding the development of “fast breeder” reactors that produce more fuel than they consume.

Plan kills Japanese technological edge

Maehara 11- Minister of Japanese Foreign Affairs (Seiji, February, “Economic Diplomacy Speech by Seiji Maehara, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan, at CLSA Japan Forum 2011,”

I hope to be able to convince all of you here today that Japan is emerging as a truly attractive investment destination. Japan is also noted for its strengths in technological innovation. Although competition is getting harder, including with emerging economies, Japan still boasts many technologies that can't be found anywhere else. In June last year, many of you may recall, the Hayabusa spacecraft returned to Earth after a very challenging seven-year, 6-billion-kilometer mission to bring back samples from an asteroid. This was achieved for the first time in human history. Space exploration involves a very broad range of industries requiring comprehensive technologies, and there were many small and medium-sized enterprises among the companies participating in the Hayabusa mission. I wish to impress upon you that Japan has many top-notch technologies, yet to be introduced to the world.

Only Japan gets India and China on board

Heng 14, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore, (Yee-Kuang “Beyond ‘kawaii’ pop culture: Japan’s normative soft power as global trouble-shooter” The Pacific Review, Volume 27, Issue 2, 2014, Taylor and Francis)

With Japanese environmental aid dispensed around the world, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD 2010: 7) latest review of Japan’s environmental performance noted that ‘Japan has played a proactive and constructive role in international environmental cooperation, particularly in areas of climate change, waste management, and more recently biodiversity. . .these activities have contributed to real improvements in some countries, such as China and Indonesia.’ Sustainable development is another key climate norm where Japan is drawing praise.

AFF Answers

Sino-Japan relations won’t recover – Japan won’t convince China over the Senkaku Islands which makes conflict inevitable in the CP

Choong 14, Shangri-La Dialogue Senior Fellow for Asia-Pacific Security (William “William Choong: The power of dreams (or lack thereof)”, IISS voices, January 17th 2014,

For a long time, charismatic politicians in Japan have been few and far between. But the year-old administration of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe seems to be cranking them out. Speaking at an IISS–Asia Fullerton Lecture on 16 January, Ichita Yamamoto had an uncanny ability to hold 160 members of the audience in thrall. He answered questions from the floor standing up, striding back and forth across the stage with confidence. Yamamoto recalled that he had visited Singapore 40 years ago with other colleagues, who have gone on to become ministers in Japan. As such, Yamamoto said he was happy to visit the Republic, given that Japanese politicians who have done so have ‘never lost a parliamentary seat in tough elections’, he said, to laughter. And if needed, he added for good measure, the author of six albums said he was willing to belt out a song. The light-hearted tone of Japan’s Minister for Ocean Policy and Territory, however, belied a serious approach. At the lecture, he espoused Yamamoto’s Three Laws – the rule of law, Japan’s desire to pursue strong bilateral ties with its neighbours and the need to build up a regional community. An emphasis on the rule of law would enable regional states to counter what have been perceived as attempts to challenge the ‘status quo as well as the international order based on the rule of law’. No one has an argument with the three ‘laws’. After all, it has become increasingly clear that the Abe administration is using such indisputable principles to pursue a charm offensive across the region. Such diplomatic exertions are being carried out with two goals in mind. Firstly, Japan’s ailing economy needs ASEAN – a dynamic area of 600 million people. At a lecture in Singapore in July 2013, Abe spoke about Japan and ASEAN being two ‘engines’ of a plane that would enable economic growth to ‘take off’. The second goal is related to the first – Japan is boosting ties with ASEAN because its relations with its neighbours in Northeast Asia – South Korea and China – are languishing at all-time lows, largely due to Abe’s approach to historical issues. Whether Abe’s new campaign will succeed, however, is doubtful. This is not due to a lack of energy or effort; since becoming prime minister in December 2012, Abe has reinvigorated Japan’s regional diplomacy. He has visited all the nations in ASEAN, offering trade and aid. In the case of Vietnam and the Philippines – two countries contending with China over South China Sea claims – Japan has offered coastguard ships. We expect Abe will continue this charm offensive when he delivers the keynote at the 2014 Shangri-La Dialogue at the end of May. If Abe’s intentions foster regional stability, all will be well. The fact, however, is that his recent efforts will do little to improve Sino-Japanese relations. And if relations between the Asia-Pacific’s two great powers are not resolved, the possibility for an improvement in regional stability is low. Three factors explain this. For one, perceptions are everything in politics. Many Japan-watchers accept Abe’s protestations that Japan will never again wage a war, but the prime minister has yet to convince regional publics that Japan will redress the issues of its contentious history. This was made strikingly clear when he visited the Yasukuni Shrine war memorial in December. The Economist put it nicely – Abe visiting Yasukuni is the moral equivalent of Angela Merkel visiting a monument that honours the Third Reich. Secondly, Japan stands alone in denying the fact that there is an actual dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands. Asked why Japan has not sent the festering dispute with China to the International Court of Justice, Yamamoto stuck to the official line, saying that that there remains ‘no doubt’ that the islands are part of Japanese territory. To rub it in, he added that neither China nor Taiwan claimed the islands for almost 80 years (Japan claimed the islands in 1895, and China laid claim to the islands in 1971). Understandably, the Chinese do not agree. Taiwan held back from claiming the islands at the height of the Cold War in the 1950s and 1960s due to the ‘exigencies of the Cold War’ (read: Taiwan and Japan were American allies arrayed against the Soviet Union and China). After China took over Taiwan’s United Nations membership in 1971, the baton for pressing the ‘Chinese’ case for the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands passed to Beijing. No wonder the Chinese have been apoplectic about the state of affairs over the islands. In the nine months prior to Japan’s nationalisation of the islands in September 2012, there were three Chinese incursions into the territorial waters. In the eight months following, it spiked to 41 incursions. This leads us to a third reason Tokyo’s charm offensive would amount to little. The number of Chinese incursions – and the fact that the militaries of both countries have few crisis management measures, such as hotlines – means that any hot war would occur not by deliberation, but through a lack of it. Singapore Defence Minister Ng Eng Hen underscored this last week in his keynote speech at the Fullerton Forum: ‘There is real concern of miscalculation, if parties lack the trust or political will to work with each other to defuse tensions.’

Permutation: Call Japan 24 hours before the plan happens to inform them

Empirically, the perm is considered consultation

Wolfowitz 09 (Paul,  Former Deputy Secretary of Defence from 2001-2005. “A Conversation with Paul Wolfowitz” at the Miller Center for Public Affairs at the University of Virginia. Part of the two-day conference, “When Walls Came Tumbling Down: Berlin, 9/11, and U.S. Strategy in Uncertain Times.”  10/26/09

It’s interesting. If you tell someone you’re about to do something 24 Hours before you do it, it’s consultation. If you tell them 24 hours after you’ve done it, which is 36 hours after they’ve read it in the press, it’s, as the Japanese call it, a “Shocku.”

Lack of resolution of Futenma is the stopping point of all other consultations – only the plan solves.

Associated Press 12-30-09 “FOCUS: Security policy to keep causing confusion with coalition in disarray+”

DPJ Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa has also called for Japan to assume a greater role in its own security. He once expressed the view that the role of the U.S. military in Japan should be trimmed down, saying the U.S. Navy's 7th Fleet based in Yokosuka, Kanagawa Prefecture, would be "enough for the U.S. presence in the Far East." The three ruling parties are aiming to reach a decision on where to move the Futemma airstrip, an issue which has strained Japan's ties with the United States, by May. But Nakano said it is unlikely they will settle the issue by that time because, in his opinion, their conclusion will be different from the current relocation plan. "They have long delayed a decision and it is unlikely that they will stick to the original transfer plan. Since the United States won't approve an alternative relocation site by May, further confusion will lie ahead," the associate professor said. Nakano, however, indicated that confusion would not be totally negative. He urged both Japan and the United States to engage in "constructive discussions" by recognizing their efforts to break the deadlock over Futemma as a good chance to review their security alliance, which he says will "never go away anyway." Hatoyama agreed with U.S. President Barack Obama during their summit talks in Tokyo in November to start one-year consultations to review the alliance, with a view of expanding cooperation areas from the current military security to antidisaster efforts, medicine and health, education and the environment. But the two counties have been unable to launch the consultation process due to the Futemma stalemate. Victor Cha, associate professor and director of the Asian Studies program at Georgetown University, said he can understand the Hatoyama government is exploring an alternative Futemma transfer plan to "consolidate political power" domestically, but called on the coalition to set clear vision for the Japan-U.S. relationship after the upper house election.

Japan will say no to the counterplan – they want to avoid looking like a lap dog.

Michael J. Green 2010 senior adviser and Japan Chair at CSIS and is concurrently on the faculty at Georgetown University. He served on the staff of the National Security Council from 2001 through 2005 and was special assistant to the president for national security affairs and senior director for Asian affairs from January 2004 to December 2005. Japan’s Confused Revolution The Washington Quarterly • 33:1 pp. 3􏰀19

The DPJ’s promise to move closer to Asia also sends confusing signals. Hatoyama made news after his bilateral summit on the margins of the September 2009 UN General Assembly with President Hu Jintao of China by promising to create a new ‘‘East Asian community’’ that would, by implication, exclude the United States. This, however, was not a new proposal16 since LDP governments had already agreed to this vision in regional summit meetings held as far back as 2007.17 Nor is an exclusive East Asia community likely to become a reality any time soon, judging from polling done by CSIS in late 2008 that demonstrated deep skepticism across the region, especially in Japan, about whether security and economic prosperity could be sustained over the coming decades without the United States.18 Indeed, from the perspective of U.S. national interests, more positive ties between Japan and its Northeast Asian neighbors would be a welcome development, particularly Hatoyama’s pledge not to inflame regional emotions about Japan’s historical aggression. The problem has been that the DPJ has often chosen to articulate its Asianist vision as a kind of counterbalance to the United States, a theme that worked well during the campaign when the party was trying to portray Koizumi as a U.S. lapdog, but one that now sends confusing signals to Washington.19

Consult Kills Climate Change Deals

The counterplan's negotiations derail US-Japanese cooperation on climate change

Japan Times 2010 (Allaying alliance anxiety, LN)

In a meeting in Honolulu on Tuesday, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton reaffirmed that Japan and the United States will begin consultations to further deepen their alliance, as this year marks the 50th anniversary of the signing of the current joint security treaty. They also agreed that the bilateral alliance has underpinned security in the Asia-Pacific region for the past 50 years. The meeting represented an attempt by both nations to smooth high-level communications after Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama postponed, until May, a decision on the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma (in the central part of Okinawa Island). The delay has caused friction between Japan and the U.S., and it is hoped that the meeting will help grease the wheels for the planned consultations. The Futenma issue continues to cast a shadow over bilateral ties. While Mr. Okada reiterated that Japan will make a decision on the relocation by the end of May and said the issue should not be allowed to adversely affect the alliance, Ms. Clinton insisted that Japan implement a 2006 bilateral accord to move the Futenma function to the northern part of Okinawa Island as soon as possible. It is crucial that the Hatoyama administration make a determined effort to resolve the Futenma issue at an early date. Discussions about deepening the alliance will start in the first half of this year, with meetings between the two nations' foreign and defense ministers. Although the discussions may cover Japan-U.S. cooperation on global issues such as the economy, climate change, nuclear nonproliferation and public health, the Hatoyama administration must know that a joint assessment of the security environment surrounding Japan is inevitable. The administration should fully prepare itself, and carefully consider how Japan should proceed in talks on the subject. If the security-related issues are not sorted out early on, it may be difficult for the two countries to tackle other important issues with mutual trust and in an effective manner.

Climate change cooperation with the DPJ key to solve warming

BBC 2009 (Japan, US Grow Apart over efforts to tackle global warming, LN)

However, the Hatoyama administration's announcement that Japan will seek to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 25 percent from 1990 levels has demonstrated a major change in Japan-U.S. relations in the field of global warming countermeasures. The move was appreciated by the United Nations and European countries while Washington remained silent about Japan's declaration. When asked about Japan's target during a special working group meeting in Bangkok in late September, U.S. chief negotiator Jonathan Pershing coolly replied that he had not yet analyzed the target. Even though Japanese representatives made remarks in favor of Washington at the Barcelona meeting, U.S. negotiators did not appreciate the Hatoyama initiative, which includes measures to extend assistance to developing countries to help them reduce greenhouse gases. "The United States had viewed Japan as an ally. However, after listening to Prime Minister Hatoyama's speech, U.S. officials thought Japan is distancing itself from Washington," said a high-ranking official of the Foreign Ministry.

Rapid unchecked climate change causes extinction.

Tickell, 8-11-2008 (Oliver, Climate Researcher, The Gaurdian, “On a planet 4C hotter, all we can prepare for is extinction”,

We need to get prepared for four degrees of global warming, Bob Watson told the Guardian last week. At first sight this looks like wise counsel from the climate science adviser to Defra. But the idea that we could adapt to a 4C rise is absurd and dangerous. Global warming on this scale would be a catastrophe that would mean, in the immortal words that Chief Seattle probably never spoke, "the end of living and the beginning of survival" for humankind. Or perhaps the beginning of our extinction. The collapse of the polar ice caps would become inevitable, bringing long-term sea level rises of 70-80 metres. All the world's coastal plains would be lost, complete with ports, cities, transport and industrial infrastructure, and much of the world's most productive farmland. The world's geography would be transformed much as it was at the end of the last ice age, when sea levels rose by about 120 metres to create the Channel, the North Sea and Cardigan Bay out of dry land. Weather would become extreme and unpredictable, with more frequent and severe droughts, floods and hurricanes. The Earth's carrying capacity would be hugely reduced. Billions would undoubtedly die. Watson's call was supported by the government's former chief scientific adviser, Sir David King, who warned that "if we get to a four-degree rise it is quite possible that we would begin to see a runaway increase". This is a remarkable understatement. The climate system is already experiencing significant feedbacks, notably the summer melting of the Arctic sea ice. The more the ice melts, the more sunshine is absorbed by the sea, and the more the Arctic warms. And as the Arctic warms, the release of billions of tonnes of methane – a greenhouse gas 70 times stronger than carbon dioxide over 20 years – captured under melting permafrost is already under way. To see how far this process could go, look 55.5m years to the Palaeocene-Eocene Thermal Maximum, when a global temperature increase of 6C coincided with the release of about 5,000 gigatonnes of carbon into the atmosphere, both as CO2 and as methane from bogs and seabed sediments. Lush subtropical forests grew in polar regions, and sea levels rose to 100m higher than today. It appears that an initial warming pulse triggered other warming processes. Many scientists warn that this historical event may be analogous to the present: the warming caused by human emissions could propel us towards a similar hothouse Earth.

Consult Kills Heg

Genuine consultation destroys leadership.

Carroll ‘9 (James F. F., attorney for the Huddleston Law Firm, Notes & Comments Editor, Emory International Law Review; J.D., with Honors, Emory University School of Law, 23 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 167, lexis)

n221. See Thomas Friedman, Op-Ed., 9/11 is Over, N.Y. Times, Sept. 30, 2007, § 4, at 12. This does not mean, however, that foreign countries should hold a veto over U.S. foreign or domestic policies, particularly policies that are not directly related to their national survival. Allowing foreign countries or international institutions to veto or modify unrelated U.S. policies would make a mockery of our foreign policy and destroy the credibility of American leadership. International cooperation does not require making our policy subservient to the whims of other nations. See generally The Allies and Arms Control (F.O. Hampson et al. eds., 1992). See also Khalilzad, supra note 177.

This means nuclear war.

Zalmay Khalilzad, RAND policy analyst, Spring 1995, The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 18, No. 2, “ Losing the Moment?”

Under the third option, the United States would seek to retain global leadership and to preclude the rise of a global rival or a return to multipolarity for the indefinite future. On balance, this is the best long-term guiding principle and vision. Such a vision is desirable not as an end in itself, but because a world in which the United States exercises leadership would have tremendous advantages. First, the global environment would be more open and more receptive to American values -- democracy, free markets, and the rule of law. Second, such a world would have a better chance of dealing cooperatively with the world’s major problems, such as nuclear proliferation, threats of regional hegemony by renegade states, and low-level conflicts. Finally, U.S. leadership would help preclude the rise of another hostile global rival, enabling the United States and the world to avoid another global cold or hot war and all the attendant dangers, including a global nuclear exchange. U.S. leadership would therefore be more conducive to global stability than a bipolar or a multipolar balance of power system.

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