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LOAD-DATE: December 14, 2008
GRAPHIC: PHOTOS: Jets fullback Tony Richardson (49) has helped several backs run for more than 1,000 yards. (PHOTOGRAPH BY BARTON SILVERMAN/THE NEW YORK TIMES) (pg.SP1)

(KEVIN C COX/GETTY IMAGES) (pg.SP7) CHARTS: JOINING THE 200 CLUB: In Sunday's Jets game against the Bills, Tony Richardson is poised to have his name added to the list of running backs who have played in 200 or more career games.

WHILE CLEARING THE WAY: Tony Richardson has blocked for five running backs who have compiled a combined total of seven 1,000-yard seasons, and has done so in each of the last four seasons with four different running backs. Richardson has earned three Pro Bowl berths (2003, 2004, 2007). (pg.SP7)

Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company

61 of 1231 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times
December 14, 2008 Sunday

Late Edition - Final

Villain of the Afternoon, 28 Years Later
SECTION: Section AR; Column 0; Arts and Leisure Desk; TELEVISION; Pg. 26
LENGTH: 1211 words
OF all the world's spectacularly affluent tycoons, none have inspired a sense of ambivalence that runs quite as deep and powerful as Victor Newman, a Forbes 400 buccaneer whose very name merges winning and rebirth.

Newman runs his multinational conglomerate with the mercilessness of a funhouse mirror and sheds his redundant wives as easily as he does his bespoke tuxedo. He'll buy a company just to fire his nemesis -- say, the chief executive. Or just to fire a nuisance -- say, one of his numerous offspring. There's no room for passengers on Newman's gravy train.

''Victor Newman is the most decisive, self-assured businessman the world has ever known,'' said Maria Arena Bell, head writer for the CBS soap opera ''The Young and the Restless,'' on which for almost three decades this Machiavellian monster has schemed and scammed his way to the top of the corporate heap.

Since the character's debut in 1980 Eric Braeden has played Victor Newman with lip-smacking brio. And audiences have thrilled to their hero's board-room power plays and bedroom reconciliations. The top-rated daytime serial for the last 19 years, ''Y&R'' today draws about five million viewers an episode, many of them women in the 30s, 40s and 50s.

''They love the power of the man,'' said Mr. Braeden, still trim and fit at 67. His accent, rich with the sounds of his native Germany, is thick with naked menace. ''Despite all his flaws, Victor Newman is omniscient and invincible.''

At a time when the empires of some real-life industrialists are shrinking, if not disappearing altogether, the authority of this dirty, rotten TV scoundrel remains unchallenged and his capital limitless.

''Victor Newman should never lose his power or his money,'' Mr. Braeden said with heavy finality. ''Without them there's no conflict, and ultimately conflict makes him flourish.''

With their gloomy denouements, soaps have been called the people's ''Iliad.'' The Troy of ''Y&R'' is Genoa City, Wis., where, at least on the show, every encounter is freighted with a knowledge of past infidelities, rivalries and betrayals. In the middle of the melodramatic maelstrom of ''Y&R'' is Victor Newman, who has withstood amnesia, a heart attack, spells of temporal-lobe epilepsy, a harpoon to the genital area, a carjacking, a tell-all biography (''Ruthless!''), a conviction for bribery, an enforced stay in a psychiatric ward, nine weddings (three to the same ex-stripper), six divorces, two vasectomies and the theft of his semen from a sperm bank by two women, only one of whom managed to impregnate herself with the plunder. He's now in prison, framed for killing a mobster.

''Victor Newman has led a full life,'' Mr. Braeden said, deadpan. It's also been, at (many) times, a vindictive one. Left for dead by his nemesis Jack Abbott after being felled by a heart attack in his office, he engineered a hostile takeover to swallow up the cosmetics firm owned by Abbott's father. And consumed by jealousy over his first wife's unfaithfulness, Newman sealed her lover in a basement dungeon and fed him baked rats.

''Victor Newman follows his own path,'' Mr. Braeden said with glee. ''He never takes a back seat, and he exacts his revenge. Viewers instinctively like that.'' Yet for all his guile, Mr. Braeden said, Newman is a ''highly moral man,'' by which he means Newman believes in ancient verities: courage, perseverance, honor. The character's treachery is belied by his Old World charm, which he uses like a Guarnerius to seduce or like a weapon to destroy.

''When Victor Newman is romantic, collective sighs can be heard in living rooms coast to coast,'' said the blogger Toni Pimentel, who added that her ''Y&R'' spoiler Web site ( averages two million hits a month.

''He rewards loyalty most generously,'' she said, ''but when he's in full ruthless mode, it kind of makes the hairs stand up on the back of your neck. You feel relieved when a commercial breaks in to remind you that he's a fictional character.''

Mr. Braeden elaborated. ''I don't think there's an altruistic bone in Victor Newman's body,'' he said. ''He's essentially Darwinian. 'Survival of the fittest' is his credo. He grew up in an orphanage, fighting for his place in the sun. I understand where he's coming from.''

Mr. Braeden was born into harsh circumstances in Nazi Germany. Named Hans Gudegast, he was one of four sons of the mayor of Bredenbek, a hamlet near the port city of Kiel. At the end of World War II his father, a onetime Nazi Party member, was imprisoned by the British for a year. ''He died when I was 12,'' Mr. Braeden said. ''To support my brothers and me, my mother got a job so menial that we never discussed it.''

At 18 Mr. Newman first visited New York and soon encountered his first captain of industry. His girlfriend, Rosely, was the oldest daughter of Rudolf August Oetker, an entrepreneur who became a billionaire running his private food company, Oetker-Gruppe. Mr. Oetker took the young Mr. Braeden to lunch at the St. Regis hotel in New York City. ''I remember passionately arguing the case for the Cuban revolution with this archcapitalist,'' Mr. Braeden recalled. A second lunch invitation was never extended.

The teenager drifted from New York to Texas to Montana to California, where he enrolled at what was then called Santa Monica City College. Informed that Hollywood was looking for Germans, he turned actor. Cameos in a platoon of 1960s TV war sagas (''The Gallant Men.'' ''Combat!,'' ''12 O'Clock High'') led to a featured role as Hauptmann Dietrich of Rommel's Africa Corps in ''The Rat Patrol.''

Mr. Braeden, then still known as Hans Gudegast, was typed as a Nazi. ''The experience was utterly dehumanizing,'' he said. ''I was cast as unctuous, one-dimensional villains. I wanted a chance to play a complex human being''

That chance arrived only after he reinvented himself as Eric Braeden, adapting the last name from his hometown. At 39 he signed on with ''Y&R'' for what was supposed to be a three-month run. Twenty-eight years later it's unclear where Mr. Braeden ends and Victor Newman begins.

Mess with Victor Newman, ''and he comes back at you twice as hard,'' Mr. Braeden said. ''That's his M.O., and that's my M.O. While we're both capable of tremendous tenderness, neither of us take'' guff from anyone.

In 1999, when Mr. Braeden announced his intention to produce a Reconstruction-era western about striking plantation workers, movie moguls laughed. They laughed louder when he announced he would star as a kindly Confederate colonel whose wife and son are murdered while he watches in helpless horror (from a cage, no less). Though ''The Man Who Came Back'' went straight to Netflix, it nonetheless got made and, in February, had a Hollywood premiere.

That ability to hang tough is the executive trait that Mr. Braeden admires most in his alter ego, no matter how many barbarians try to crash his gates. The deepening global recession is just another test, one Newman will likely pass with ease. ''He never operates out of fear,'' Ms. Bell said. ''He's a risk taker and will look for ways to make this work for him.''

Mr. Braeden even has a simple solution to the current economic woes: Ask Victor Newman to lend the world the money.

TITLE: Young and the Restless, The (TV Program)>; Young and the Restless, The (TV Program)>
LOAD-DATE: December 14, 2008
GRAPHIC: PHOTOS: Eric Braeden, above with co-star Melody Thomas Scott in 1984 and at left with his former ''Young and the Restless'' colleague, Raya Meddine. Her character, Sabrina, became a wife to Mr. Braeden's Victor Newman, but the marriage was short lived

Sabrina died this year.(PHOTOGRAPH BY CBS)


Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company

62 of 1231 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times
December 14, 2008 Sunday

Late Edition - Final

THE 8th ANNUAL YEAR IN IDEAS; Spray-on Condom, The
SECTION: Section MM; Column 0; Magazine Desk; 8TH ANNUAL YEAR IN IDEAS; Pg. 72
LENGTH: 371 words
Jan Vinzenz Krause, a 31-year-old German entrepreneur, says that condoms should be more like shoes. ''You go into a shop, tell them your size and you get shoes that fit your feet,'' he says. ''Not so with condoms.'' Aside from the occasional extra-large brand, condoms essentially come in one size: about 6.5 inches long. Penises, however, come in many sizes. This leaves many men squeezed into condoms so tight they cut off circulation (and impede erections) or so large they're floppy and nonfunctional. To fix this, Krause has invented the world's first condom that can be custom made for each man: the spray-on condom.

Several years ago, Krause created a Web site called the Online Condom Advisor, where he catalogued details of more than 100 brands to help men find the right fit. Soon users began asking him to recommend condoms that were large or small, wide or thin, but Krause couldn't find any. Eventually one man asked, Isn't there a condom that can be custom-sized to each man?

The idea for the spray-on condom came to Krause in a car wash, where he realized he could make a tube into which an erect penis could be inserted and then sprayed with liquid latex from all sides (as in a car wash) to create a perfectly fitting condom. He got PVC tubing and 30 nozzles from a hardware store, and the resulting condoms, according to Krause, feel like second skin -- far more sensitive than traditional condoms. This year, 30 men tested a version of the device for ease of use and condom size. Their reviews were all positive. The only drawbacks: it takes two minutes for the condom to dry, and, as Krause says, ''the spray is a bit cold.'' So far, testing hasn't involved intercourse with a partner, but Krause reports that it works well. ''I am the developer,'' he says with a giggle, ''so of course I did a bit more testing of my own.''

Unfortunately, a regulatory agency has contacted Krause to point out the European Union's strict product standards. ''That will make it difficult to bring to market,'' Krause says. He has developed My Size, a line of traditional condoms available in multiple sizes, which went on sale in November. But he doesn't see spray-on condoms being commercially available any time soon.

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Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company

63 of 1231 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times
December 14, 2008 Sunday

Late Edition - Final

When to Intervene

Scott Malcomson, a former adviser to the United Nations high commissioner for human rights, is an editor at The Times Magazine. His most recent book is ''One Drop of Blood: The American Misadventure of Race.''

SECTION: Section BR; Column 0; Book Review Desk; Pg. 12
LENGTH: 1486 words

How Humanitarianism Went to War

By Conor Foley

266 pp. Verso. $26.95


Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All

By Gareth Evans

349 pp. Brookings Institution Press. $29.95

It is hard to date exactly when humanitarianism got decisively bound up with making war, although many would point to Colin Powell's 2001 endorsement of relief workers in Afghanistan as a ''force multiplier for us . . . an important part of our combat team.'' In these two very different books, Conor Foley, an experienced relief worker, laments the transformation of humanitarianism into an aspect of politics, while Gareth Evans, a doughty Australian politician and head of the International Crisis Group, argues for something like its institutionalization. Both books are poised to influence debate as we make the turn into a post-Bush world.

As Foley notes in ''The Thin Blue Line: How Humanitarianism Went to War,'' human rights and humanitarianism became powerful movements in the 1980s and '90s, and by now Amnesty International UK ''has over a quarter of a million members, overtaking . . . the British Labor Party.'' This shift from class politics to values politics occurred across the Western political spectrum, particularly in the prosperous '90s. Nongovernmental organizations, or NGOs, proliferated; governments integrated human-rights advocacy into their budgets and their diplomacy; the United Nations bureaucracy likewise seized the opportunity to promote human rights as central to the organization's mission. Soon enough, a transnational ''common culture,'' in Foley's phrase, of human rights and humanitarianism had taken hold among a surprisingly large number of people.

And soon after that, as Foley shows, frustration set in. If humanitarian values were now universal (or universal enough), then why did they seem so threatened in the Balkans, Central Africa, the Caribbean and elsewhere?

Foley says his fellow humanitarians looked to achieve their goals in two places: law and politics, not least armed politics. The legal route led in part through the United Nations, with its treaties and human-rights machinery, but the humanitarians' most fervent investment was in the International Criminal Court, whose efforts got under way in 2003. It's much too early to give up on the court, but Foley's disappointment is pretty thorough. Anticipating that the court will change ''from an instrument of justice to one of diplomacy,'' he concludes: ''The I.C.C. could become a useful mechanism for dealing with mid-level thugs and warlords, or retired dictators, where in-country prosecutions are considered too contentious. But it will not be the instrument of impartial, universal justice that its supporters claim. And for aid workers, this could make it as much of a problem as a solution in humanitarian crises.''

Foley's treatment of the court's legal issues is informed and direct. He rightly draws attention to the coming debate on how the I.C.C. will define the crime of aggression, a question that was deferred by the drafters of the court's treaty. This debate cuts very close to the privileges of powerful states, and Foley implies that for that reason, the identification of the crime of aggression will effectively be left to the great powers themselves. We shall see.

His discussion of the humanitarians' use of politics to further their ends benefits not only from his legal training but also from his insider's experience. Foley seems to have been in almost every geopolitical mess from Kosovo to Afghanistan.He has watched as the nongovernmental organizations began, ever so slowly at first, to endorse the use of force for humanitarian purposes. And he has watched as ''the integration of humanitarian assistance into military interventions'' has led to ''a steady increase in the number of attacks on aid workers over the last decade, partly because an increasing number of armed parties no longer respect the 'humanitarian space' within which aid workers operate.'' One reason for that, of course, is that aid workers have often accepted the militarization of their work. Foley concludes: ''The only international principles that potentially fit all the situations in which humanitarians work are those of independence, impartiality and neutrality by which the movement has traditionally defined itself. The shift away from these principles in recent years has caused more problems than it has solved.''

In many ways, the crucial flaw in the legal and political avenues is that they both lead back to the United Nations Security Council, which, since its first session in 1946, has been captive to the veto power of its five permanent members: Britain, Russia, China, France and the United States. There have been many proposals for changing or evading this, some of them quite ingenious. But Gareth Evans is probably right to say that ''any concession that there are some circumstances that justify the Security Council being bypassed. . . seriously undermines the whole concept of a rules-based international order. That order depends upon the Security Council . . . being the only source of legal authority for nonconsensual military interventions.''

Evans cuts a fascinating figure on the world stage. Always informed, sometimes alarming, never dull, he has a diplomat's ability to listen and reflect, and a politician's will to dominate a room. He is also an able and prolific writer. His achievements as foreign minister of Australia in the late 1980s and early '90s were out of proportion to the influence of his country. And as the head of a nongovernmental organization, he took the International Crisis Group from being a modest advisory council to its current status as a global foreign-policy investigative, analytical and advocacy organization, with considerable influence on governments (which pay some of its budget) and the general public. His purpose in writing ''The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All'' is to advance the doctrine known by the Spielbergian acronym R2P, for which Evans, in his capacity as political entrepreneur, has been a crucial spokesman.

Evans was extremely active on the international commissions that issued the reports in 2001 and 2004 that defined the doctrine of the responsibility to protect. And his reluctant acceptance of the centrality of the Security Council is of a piece with his general approach: that what matters in politics is the channeling of power toward humanitarian ends. He is seeking, with his advocacy of the responsibility to protect (and with this book), to institutionalize the idea that all states have an obligation to shield their own citizens from mass atrocities, and that if a state fails to do so, it falls to other states to take on that obligation. His encyclopedic knowledge of the international system enables him to make many specific proposals.

Evans goes to heroic lengths, here and in the commission reports he helped write, to show that this doctrine is intended to be preventive first, meliorative second and invasive only as a last resort. In short, the international community should be oriented toward preventing atrocities before they get under way by helping the state in question, and only in extreme cases by using military force. The responsibility to protect is, in a sense, the reverse of its immediate doctrinal ancestor, the ''right of humanitarian intervention,'' which began its life as a direct challenge to state sovereignty. The R2P approach is to stress the duties of the sovereign state, rather than the power of the international community to trump that sovereignty.

Evans readily acknowledges that the nature of the Security Council-based system means no R2P-based military action is ever likely to be taken against any of the permanent Council members. Unfortunately, it's easy to see where this can lead. ''If all this talk about responsibility to protect . . . is going to be used only to initiate some pathetic debate in the United Nations and elsewhere, then we believe this is wrong,'' Sergey V. Lavrov, the Russian foreign minister, told the Council on Foreign Relations not long ago. ''So we exercised the human security maxim, we exercised the responsibility to protect.'' He was referring to Russia's protecting South Ossetia from Georgia. Neither author spends much time on Russia or China. But a values-based international system will not succeed without them.

Foley and Evans both end their books with rather unexpected salvoes of anti-Bush feeling, which I take to be backhanded adieus to a man who, by enabling the international community to unite against Washington, has provided it with a coherence it might not otherwise have had. It will be fascinating to see what the community does when it no longer has George W. Bush to kick around -- or to hold it together.

TITLE: Thin Blue Line, The (Book)>; Responsibility to Protect, The (Book)>; Thin Blue Line, The (Book)>; Responsibility to Protect, The (Book)>
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GRAPHIC: PHOTO: A French helicopter delivers food to ethnic Albanian refugees forced out of Kosovo, April 1999.(PHOTOGRAPH BY JEROME DELAY/ASSOCIATED PRESS)

Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company

64 of 1231 DOCUMENTS

The New York Times
December 14, 2008 Sunday

Late Edition - Final

In Tough Times, the Tough Open a Store


SECTION: Section WE; Column 0; Westchester Weekly Desk; COUNTY LINES SCARSDALE; Pg. 1
LENGTH: 874 words
WHO in his right mind would open a new store when the economy is in free fall and Americans are squirreling away any spare cash?

Joe Passero would. And to underscore what he calls his chutzpah, Mr. Passero plans in the spring to open a 19,000-square-foot store on Central Park Avenue here that will sell, of all things, furnishings for kitchens, bathrooms and other rooms in the home. In case you've been locked in an unwired dungeon for the past year, fewer people are buying or renovating homes -- home sales were down 3.1 percent in October -- and the median price of the American dream went down 11.3 percent in just a year.

But Mr. Passero has confidence that his brand name's reputation will allow him to sprint, or at least trudge, into this fiercely howling wind. He is the chief operating officer of Klaff's, one of the Northeast's largest independently owned home design stores, and he and his family own established stores in Norwalk, Danbury and Westport in Connecticut.

He acknowledges that business has been soft in the current doldrums. ''This situation is hopefully going to turn around,'' he said, with an air that suggested he hadn't quite convinced himself.

Indeed, Mr. Passero, a tall, husky and dapper man of 52, confesses that in deciding to open the Scarsdale store, he received some pushback from relatives who are in business with him and who, he says, told him, ''Why rock the boat, why make changes, everything is great.'' He himself had some anxious days when he watched Lehman Brothers and Bear Stearns implode and the stock market kept steamrolling downward.

''We're dependent on builders and architects and new construction, which is, I wouldn't say screeching to a halt, but it's not moving,'' Mr. Passero said.

If he needs any more convincing of how much of a business eccentric he is, a recent survey by the Business Council of Westchester of its 1,200 members showed that two-thirds of them project that their revenue will either decline or fall flat in the next year. Nevertheless, entrepreneurs open businesses all the time -- almost 800 business certificates were filed with the county clerk's office between Sept. 1 and Nov. 20, in the teeth of the current crisis.

Mr. Passero describes himself as more of a risk taker than others in his family, and he is a great believer that in calamity there is opportunity. The business was started in 1921 as a wholesale plumbing supplier by his grandparents, Joe and Mary Klaff, and withstood the Great Depression. When World War II came along and cast iron was hard to obtain, the Klaffs went into decorative hardware and electrical supplies. After the war, when veterans were eager to start families, the business moved into lumber and kit houses.

Thus was born an all-purpose home design business that today has 220 employees and had sales last year of more than $56 million, according to financial reports, in lighting fixtures, lamps, tiles, kitchen cabinets, decorative handles and even towels.

''Some of the most successful businesses that have ever been started were started during times like these,'' Mr. Passero said. ''You have to keep moving forward. If not, you're moving backward. You can't stand still in business.''

Mr. Passero has barely stood still since he was 8 or 9, when he started loading delivery trucks for the family business as a stock boy. That experience cultivated an interest in architecture and design, and when he started managing the business, he moved the company into new frontiers like high-end cabinetry and tile and stone.

With the older generation getting on in years -- his mother, Mollie Klaff Passero, is president, and an aunt and two sisters are also active -- he is looking for opportunities to expand the company so some of the children, nephews and nieces can have the same adventures he had.

Mr. Passero conceived of a Westchester branch two years ago, and in March signed a 15-year lease for a shuttered Treasure Island outdoor furniture store. It was on Westchester's main shopping drag and close enough to the Klaff's distribution warehouse that, he said, it was ''geographically sensible.''

He welcomes the challenge of turning the property into a bustling enterprise and expects that by the time the store opens, the nation's economy should have picked up. He takes comfort in glimmers of hopeful, if peripheral, change, like Barack Obama's election and the fact that the stock market's November tailspin could have been worse.

''They said stocks are as low as they've been since 2003. They didn't say since 1929,'' he said.

''People are being conservative in spending, and that can only last so long,'' he added. ''I believe there are tremendous real estate values out there, and if people buy homes, they need to fix them up, and that's the business we're in.''

The interview with Mr. Passero took place on a late afternoon in his Norwalk office, on a day after the stock market tumbled more than 800 points over two days and an icon of American banking, Citigroup, lost half its value. But just as the interview was concluding, he switched on his computer screen and a Web site flashed the news that the stock market had rallied almost 500 points. Mr. Passero heaved a big sigh of relief.

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