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Governor THE NEW S;gAFT‑gMZOG 40


xxiii. 23‑24, xxv. 1). At least once a year it was

his duty to travel through the whole province to

execute the law, and he was usually accompanied

by several councilors and assessors. The taxes and

other duties from the province were strictly regu­

4ted, and the procurators were forbidden to increase

them, nor were they allowed to accept presents,

though there were not wanting instances both of

cruelty and corruption. Incapable of understand­

ing the peculiarities of the Jewish people, the pro­

curator often excited Jewish hatred of Roman rule,

and this finally contributed to the outbreak of the

Judeo‑Roman war. Of the procurators who, in

the time from 6 to 41 A.D., administered the territory

of Archelaus, only Pilate (q.v.) is mentioned in the

New Testament. During 41‑52 A.D. all parts of

Palestine were once more brought under the domin­

ion nf Herod Agrippa. After his death the kingdom

was again subjected to the administration of pro­

curators, who governed from 44‑66 A.D., among

them Felix, (Acts xxiii. 24 sqq., xxiv. 1, 10) and

Festus (Acts xxvi. 30). See CENsUa; FELI% AND



BIHLYooAAPn'T: For the governors during the pre‑Roman

period consult the works on the history of Israel given

under ARAB and ISRAEL, HISTORT or. For the Roman

period consult: H. Gerlach, Dis r6misdtan Statthaltsr in

Syrien and Judda, pp. 44 eqq., Berlin, 1886; E. Kuhn,

Die stadtische and barperlvhe Verlassunp des r6mischen

Reichs, ii. 161 eqq., 363 sqq., Leipsie, 1886; W. T. Arnold,

The Roman System of Provincial Administration, London

1879; E. Marx, Essai sur lea pouvoirs du pouverneur de

province, Paris, 1880; J. Marquardt, Rdmisde Staats­

ve~oaltunp, vol. i., Leipsio, 1881; T. Mommsen, REmisehes

Staaarecht, II., i.‑ii., Berlin, 1887; idem, in ZNTW, ii.

2 (1901), 81 eqq.; A. Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus,

i. 182, London, 1884; Kellner, in Z%T, 1888, 830 sqq.;

J. B. Bury, Hist. of the Roman Empire, chap. vi., Lon­

don, 1893; H. F. Pelham, Outlines of Roman Hist.,

book v., "p. iii., ib. 1893; W. M. Ramsey, Chi in

the Roman Empire, pp. 41 sqq., 358‑3W, 362, ib. 1893;

W. Liebenam, Stadfaverwaltunp des romiseAen Kaiser­

reichs, Leipeie, 1900; A. J. H. Greenidge, Roman Public

Life, chap. xi., London, 1901; Scharer, GesAiehte, i. 454­

507, 584‑886, Eng. ‑transl., I., ii. 43 eqq.; DB. ii. 253;

EB, ii. 1910‑16; JE, vi. 59, x. 208‑209 (list of the procu­

rators is given); DCG, i. 88b‑688.

GOZAN : The name of a country mentioned five

times in the Old Testament (II Kings xvii. 6, xviii.

11, xix. 12; I Chron. v. 26; Isa. xxxvii. 12). The

passage in Chronicles refers to the deportation of a

part of the inhabitants of Naphtali by Tiglath­

pileser IV., but the parallel passage (II Kings xv.

29) makes no definite statement as to the portion of

the Assyrian empire to which they were taken. The

more definite statement in Chronicles must have

come from II Kings xvii. 6. It has suffered

in transmission, and contains the unintelligible

word hara (E.V. "Hara"), which is probably a

corruption of the expressions " cities of the Medea "

or,, mountains of the Medea " (so the Septuagint).

The first two passages in Kings refer to the fall of

Samaria and the deportation of a part of its in­

habitants by Sargon II. in 722 B.C. and following

years. In the A.V. an error in the translation of

the Hebrew makes the passages read " in Habor

by the river of Gozan," which is corrected by the

American edition of the R.V. so that " Habor " is

seen to be the name of the river of Gozan. The

Septuagint reads erroneously " rivers " of Gozan.

The remaining two passages are parallel (II Kings xix. 12=Isa. xxxvii. 12) and enumerate Gozan, with Haran and Rezeph, among the conquests of the Assyrians.

As early as Bochart (Gegraphica Sacra, Caen, 1646) Gozan was correctly identified with the Gau­Iianitia of Ptolemy, situated between the Chaboras (the modern Khabur, Biblical " Habor ") and the Saocoras, which can no longer be identified. The modern name of Gauzanitis is Kaushan. The Assyrian literature gives numerous references to a city Guzana, which was first attacked in 809 B.C. by Adad‑nirari III. From that time it may be regarded as a part of Assyria, for it supplied epo­nyms to the realm, though it bad to be reduced to subjection by Asshur‑don III. in 759‑758 B.C. An Assyrian geographical list mentions Guzana and Nasibina side by side (II Rawlinson, 53, 43a) and it has been inferred (by Alfred Jeremias, Das Alto Testament im Lichte des alien Orients, Leigsie, 1906, p. 545, note 1) that Guzana and Nasibina (i.e., Nisibis) are the same place. It is extremely in­teresting to find Samaria and Guzana named to­gether in an Assyrian letter or report (K. 1366; cf. Bezold's catalogue and Jeremias in Hauck‑Herzog, RE, vi. 767). All the allusions to Guzana as a city and a district in Assyrian texts are satisfied by the location in the valley of the Euphrates between the Khabur and the Balikh, and this location also exactly fits the requirements of the Biblical pas­sages. The country was well watered, and in ancient _ times doubtless fertile and well tilled.


BIHLIOanAY87: Bides the literature named in the text, consult: F. Delitsech, Wo lap do# Parodies? p. 184, Leip­sic, 1881; Schrader, RAT, pp. 48, 168, 269, 273; DD. ii. 253; EB, ii. 1916.



GRABS, grd'be, JOHANNES ERNST: Septuagint editor and patristic scholar; b. at Konigsberg July 10, 1666; d. at Oxford Nov. 3, 1711 He re­ceived his master's degree at Konigsberg in 1685, and then visited several other universities. At the

. close of 1687 he lectured on church history in K8­nigsberg with great acceptance, but declined the

'offer of a theological chair because of lack of sym­pathy with Lutheranism. After 1694, with other Konigsberg teachers and students, Grabs became involved in charges of leanings toward Romanism; and in the course of investigations which followed he accused Luther and the " Evangelicals " of apostasy from the true Church. For a time he was confined to his house, under arrest, but in May, 1695, he was allowed to leave Konigsberg and went to Breslau. On the way he received tracts com­posed against him by electoral mandate by Baier, Spener, and Sanden. The last one prompted a defense (Abgen&higte Ehrenrettung), but Spener, by his gentleness, won his confidence and dissuaded him from the step of transition to Rome. In 1697 he emigrated to England, where he found his ideal realized in the Anglican Church. He took up his residence at Oxford, and a royal pension and the income of an ecclesiastical office afforded him leisure for the scientific works that have rendered his


name famous (cf. P. de Lagarde, Mittheilungen, ii., Gisttingen, 1887, p. 190).

He first published the incompleted Spicslagium

patrum et heereticorum steculorum i‑iii. (2 vols.,

Oxford, 1698‑99), issued Justin's Apologia (1700)

and Irenmus's Liber adversss hereon (1702), and

then proceeded to his most celebrated work, an

edition of the Septuagint on the basis of the Codex

A lexandrinus, which was preserved in England.

Volumes i. and iv. were published by Grabs him­

self in 1707 and 1709; volumes ii. and iii., after his

death, edited from his manuscript by F. Lee and

G. Wigan respectively, in 1719 and 1720; the Anno­

tationea designed in conclusion of the work remained

unprinted. Grabe's comprehensive acquaintance

with patristic writings proved greatly to his advan­

tage. He sought to verify the three recensions of

the Septuagint (Hesychius, Lucian, Origen) in the

manuscripts of his acquaintance, and in this way

marked out the course and aim of modern Septua­

gint researches. In his last years he felt a great

longing for his home, and there is no doubt that he

was a significant factor in the contemporary efforts

to introduce there the Anglican hierarchy and lit­

urgy (cf. G. J. Planck, Geschichte der protestan­

ti8chen Theologie, G6ttingen, 1831, p. 355). His

manuscript remains are preserved in the Bodleian

Library. J. ERDMANN.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. J. Spener, Der evanpdiwhen Kirdwn RetFrankfort, 1695; B. von Sanden, Beanttoortunp

der dubiorum bf. Graben, KSnigsberg, 1695; S. Schelwig.

De eruditionie ploria in Anglia par advenas propagate in

memoriam T. E. Grabii, 1712; A da Boruesica, vol. i.,

K6nigsberg, 1730; ADA ix. 536‑537; DNB, xtii. 3116‑'

307; H. B. Swete, Introduction to the O. T. in Greek, pp.

125‑126, 183 eqq., Cambridge, 1900.


Biblical Teaching ($ 1). Medieval Doctrine (1 3).

The Church Fathers (¢ 2). Luther and Melanchthon (¢ 4). The Reformed Church (¢ 5).

In the language of religion grace is the sponta­neous, unmerited manifestation of divine love upon which rests the redemption of the sinner. Of the respective Hebrew expressions, 1$en has the general meaning of favor, while hesedh belongs specially to the sphere of religion and ethics, and denotes divine as well as human love. The term charia in the New Testament represents both conceptions, but is used preponderatingly of God's disposition. Mani­festation of love is mercy (Heb. rahamim, Gk. eleoa) in so far as it relieves need and misery; grace, in go far as it does not consider the unworthiness of the receiver as an obstacle.

The people of Israel founded their election upon God's grace, which has no end (Isa. liv. 8‑10). The Gospel of Jesus is a testimony of the pardoning and saving love of God, although the word " gram " is not used. The time of grace, promised by Isaiah, was fulfilled in Jesus, who manifested :. Biblical himself as the mediator of saving grace.

Teaching. Salvation in the kingdom of God was

represented by Jesus repeatedly as the

reward of corresponding conduct (Luke vi. 35, xvi.

9; Matt. v. 11 sqq., xia. 29); although at the same

time every legal claim of man upon God (Luke

xvii. 10) and all proportion between human achieve­

ment and divine gift are denied (Matt. xx. 1‑16).

Governor Grace

John attests the fulness of grace which is to be found in Jesus (John i. 14, 16) and places charis in an­tithesis to nouwa (verse 17); but for him the con­ception of love preponderates. For Paul, however, grace is the fundamental conceptof the Gospel. It is God's free favor toward sinners, effecting their salvation in Christ. It is entirely spontaneous, and excludes all relation of debt or merit. It is mediated by redemption; its result is righteousness (Rom. v. 21) or forgiveness of sins (Eph. i. 7), and its aim is eternal life (Rom. v. 21). For Paul, grace is in the first place God's personal disposition; but it is also God's effective activity in Christ as it realizes itself in actual deeds (Eph. ii. 5; Titus ii. 11); and, finally, he understands by it the share of the indi­vidual in salvation as it is seized in faith (Rom. xii. 3; II Cor. xii. 9). Paul never regards grace as a general power separable from the person of Christ and his historical activity; it is always a " grace in Christ " (II Tim. ii. 1).

The Greek Church Fathers regarded freedom of choice as an indispensable condition of all moral life. Sin, according to them, is only

s. The an instantaneous decision of the will.

Church Grace can not, therefore, abolish man's

Fathers. freedom, but only supplements his

spontaneous activity. For Pelagius,

liberty of will is an endowment of nature that can

not be lost. According to Augustine, man has lost

the will to do good by his fall. Grace is, therefore,

the power which frees man from evil concupiscence

and creates in him the will to do good. The will to

do good is conditioned by grace not only in its

incipiency, but also in its continuance. Thus there

seems to be no room for human merit; yet Augus­

tine can think of good action only in the form of

good works. Therefore he makes them dependent

upon grace and regards them as gifts of God (dei

munera), as phenomena of an inner change. Thus

Augustine's doctrine of grace agrees with that of

Paul in so far as he traces salvation exclusively to

God; but it differs from Paul in so far as it brings

grace only into a loose connection with the person

of Christ and as it sees its essence not so much in the

forgiveness of sins as in the communication of moral


The scholastics of the middle Ages retained es­sential elements of Augustine's doctrine of grace; Thomas Aquinas especially followed closely in his steps. According to the scholastics, the original communication of grace is entirely unmerited. Grace is here also a communication of 3. Medieval power, a quality that is infused into

Doctrine. the soul. With the infusion of a new

moral life there is also brought to us

the remission of guilt, though the latter is dependent

upon the former. Like Augustine, Thomas Aqui­

nas upholds the necessity of, good works which are

made possible on the basis of received grace, al­

though he infers the necessity of grace not from the

radical nature of sinful corruption, but from the

transcendent character of the religious gift which

is obtainable only by a transcendent power. More­

over, his statement that God is the " first cause " is

for him only an abstract metaphysical sentence; in

practise he gives room to free will in the preparation





for grace. Finally he deepened the distinction between operating and cooperating grace. The beginning and continuance of salvation are not dependent upon grace in an equal degree; the fact that after conversion will is not only caused, but causes, justifies a special consideration of the share which it has in good works. The meritorious work of the converted is meritum de congruo in so far as it proceeds from his free will, meritum de condigno in so far as it originates from grace. According to Duns Scotus, man is the sovereign ruler of his will and the sole cause of the individual acts of will. Grace does not create the good, it only increases it.

Luther began as a disciple of Augustine. With him he taught the total incapacity of the natural man for the truly good. All good is a work of grace.

There is no preparation for its recep‑

4. Luther tion on the part of man. The acho‑

and Me‑ lactic conception of the infusion of

lanchthon. grace was at first accepted by Luther,

but even then the idea of Paul began to take possession of him that the real blessing is not moral transformation, but the forgiveness of sins. The grace of forgiveness depends upon Christ and his work, which must be seized as the power of God that effects redemption. The means by which God bestows grace is the Word. The Evangelical thought that grace is not an infused quality, but the personal favor of God, first appears in the works of Melanchthon, who explains gratin by " favor." It is only from God's benevolence that the gift of the Holy Spirit follows. The same interpretations are to be found in the works of Luther and Calvin. Thus the personal character of grace, as found in Paul, was restored, and the merits of man vanished behind the one merit of Christ. In his treatise De servo arb4rio (1525) Luther tried to build the neces­sity of grace and the certainty of salvation through faith upon metaphysical ideas of determinism and predestination. But the influence of these thoughts upon the Lutheran Church has been slight. Be­side Luther's religious determinism, there appeared after 1527 Melanchthon's doctrin6 of liberty. Both tendencies culminated in the synergistic contro­versy (see SYNERGISM). The opponents of Philip­pism upheld the sole causality of God in conversion, but they did not approve the doctrine of a grace that acts irresistibly and can not be lost. The Formula of Concord concluded that there is no cooperation of man in conversion, but at the same time it restricted predestination to the eternal will of God to save those who believe in Christ (art. xi.). Thus, by putting into the background metaphysical questions, it tried to uphold the religious position of Luther.

In the Reformed Church the doctrine of grace is closely connected with that of predestination.

With Calvin as well as with Zwingli it

g. The originated undoubtedly in the relig‑

Reformed ious interest of the certainty of sa.lva‑

Church. tion, but it follows from the doctrine

of salvation only under the condition that there is a concurrent attempt at a metaphysical explanation of the general divine world‑rule. But if thought be concentrated upon the fact that God's grace is not his all‑effective will in general, but that

will which is manifest and effective in Christ and

directed toward salvation, there is no need of ex­

plaining the reality and power of grace by meta­

physical constructions and of representing its

effectiveness otherwise than as a personal manifes­

tation of will, which changes and influences another

personal will. (O. K1RN.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On the Biblical conception consult: W. Beysohleg, Neon Testament Theology, 2 vole., Edinburgh, 1895; H. Schultz, Old Testament Theology. 2 vola., ib. 1895; DB, ii. 254‑257; Lichtenberger, ESR, v. 64b‑663. On the dogmatic conception, besides the works on sys­tematic theology, consult: C. E. Luthardt, Du Lehrs von freien Willen and aeinem VerhBlMiaa our Gnade, Leip­sic, 1863; F. WSrter, Die duyatl4che Lehre von Onade and Freiheit, vol. i., Freiburg, 1856; idem, Be%trnge our Dop­mengesch%chte des Sem%peiayianiamue, Paderborn, 1898; H. Reuter, Aupuatinasche Studien. Goths, 1887; H. Schultz, Der a%ttliche Begrifj des Yerdienetea and scene Anurendung auf daa VeratBndniea des Werkes Christi, to TSK, Ltvii (1894), 1‑50, 245‑314, 554‑614.

GRACE, MEANS OF: In Protestant theology the Word and the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's Supper, considered as means divinely or­dained by which God offers through his grace to all sinners the salvation won by Christ the mediator, and gives and preserves in them a true faith. These means were those given by Christ for the continual propagation of his Church, and received by the apostles as having this specific content and pur­pose. What they thought of the preaching of the Word may be seen in such passages as I Cor. ii. 1, 4, 5; I Theas. i. 5, ii. 13; and as in it the pres­ence of God is felt (I Cor. xiv. 25), so from it pro­teed definite divine workings, faith and the creation of a new moral nature (Acts xviii. 8; Rom. i. 16; I Pet. i. 23; James i. 18). In like manner baptism is regarded as a means for imparting communion with Christ and moral renovation (Acts ii. 33; Eph. v. 26; Heb. x. 22; Rom. vi. 3 sqq.; Col. ii. 11; Gal. iii. 27; Titus iii. 5; I Pet. iii. 21); and the appropriation of the new covenant in the blood of Christ, the remission of sine, excepted from the recurrent presence of Christ in the Lord's Supper. The two sacraments are thus connected by Paul in I Cor. x. 1‑5, as a parallel to the great works of salvation wrought by God for the children of Israel under the old covenant.

In the early Church great stress was laid upon the preaching of the Word, at first entrusted to persona specially endowed with charismata (" apos­tles, teachers, prophets "), and then becoming part of the regular official functions of the

The Word Church. In spite of all developments and Sacra‑ in a formal direction, many citations meats. might be adduced to show how long the primitive relation of Word and sacraments, of baptism and communion, was in­sisted on in the ancient sense. Medieval theology raised the sacraments as means of grace above the Word; Dionysius the Areopa,gite taught the East to seek grace in the " mysteries," and Abelard revised the Augustinian arrangement of faith, love, hope, replacing hope by a developed sacramental doc­trine with a, keen insight into the tendencies of his age. From his day and that of Peter Lombard, the sacramental system formed an important separate section of medieval dogmatics. The absence of a


similar stress laid on the preaching of the Word was felt, and supplied by the preaching orders. It was one of their members, the Franciscan Duns Scotus, who worked out &e' thought (in his treatise De perfedione statuum, Paris ed. of his Opera, 1895, vol. xxvi.) that the preaching of the Word and personal influence is a higher thing than mere administration of the sacraments, so that monks who preach and represent a life of moral perfection are of more im­portance to the Church than the priests who ad­minister the sacraments. Along this line it was possible to return to a position which restored to preaching its primitive significance as a means of grace; and Luther did so fully. Through " the Word and sacraments " the Spirit comes to men, and Christ performs his miracles in the soul. Precedence is given to the Word, and the sacra­ments are reduced once more to two; the Scriptural conception is recovered by this and by the attri­bution of the efficacy of the sacraments to the religious faith awakened by the words of institu­tion. The Calvinistic theology laid equal emphasis on Word and sacraments both as vehicles of grace and as notes of the true Church, but considered them to be effective only in the predestinate, for whom the work of Christ was performed. This led to the view that they were not indispensable or necessarily connected with the saving divine opera­tions. The Lutheran theologians of the seven­teenth century worked out systematically the ideas promulgated in the sixteenth, without reaching any essentially new conclusions. The Pietistic con­ception of an "inner word" as an immediate revelation of the Spirit, while it was to some extent anticipated by Anabaptist tenets, had its impor­tance as leading up to the rationalist idea that the true revelation of God consists in innate religious and moral concepts. The more modern develop­ment formally recognizes Word and sacraments as the means of grace, but is inclined to empty them of their force by understanding the sacraments in a Zwinglian sense as mere commemorative symbols, and failing to realize the present and operative divine power of the Word.

A survey of the primitive development of the

means of grace, with their relation to the work of

Christ and to the Holy Spirit as continuing that

work, leads to certain logical conclusions which it

will be useful to state. (1) Since the

Conclusions. corporate life proceeding from Christ

is a historic life, the means to be used

for transmitting and preserving it will be along the

line of bumanandhistorictradition. (2) Since mem­

bership in the body depends on recognition of Christ's

authority, the means of grace and the method

of their administration must be those ordained by

him. (3) Since the life created and preserved by

the means of grace can be understood only as the

result of a supernatural causality, it follows that

the actual effect of them can not be produced with­

out the presence of God, i.e., the direction of the

almighty Will to the hearer or recipient. (4) Since

the means of grace, as the historic form of the econ­

omy of the Spirit, can, on account of his relation

to Christ, have no other purpose than Christ's pur­

pose, no other operation can be attributed to them



than the saving of souls. (5) An essentially similar operation must be attributed to Word and sacra­ments, but this does not exclude a " difference of operation" " according to the different manner of the administration, baptism and the communion having each its own special purpose and the Word being distinguished as either Law or Gospel. (6 ) Since revelation is intended to produce faith, the main purpose of the means of grace must be the awakening and preservation of faith; thus the ad­ministration of the sacraments is inconceivable without the presupposition of the Word and with­out strict relation of their purpose to it.


BIBLIOGRAPHY: The subject is treated in most of the works

given under DOGMA, DOGMATICS, and in the literature

under the articles on the sacraments; Consult, for ex­

ample, Hamaek, Dogma, ii. 133 eqq., iii. 163 eqq., iv. 306

eqq., v. 84 sqq., 155‑168, 205 sqq.; B.. M. Stanbrough,

Scriptural View of Divine Grace New York, 1890; J. Watson, Doctrines of Grace, ib. 1900.


GRADUAL: 1. In the canon of the mass (no. ix.) the chant of two verses (occasionally more) taken, as a rule, from the Psalms and sung after the read­ing of the Epistle; properly as a responsory by one or several voices, or by a portion of the choir; then repeated by another voice, or by the choir collec­tively. In the stricter sense, "gradual" in the Roman missal denotes only the first couplet of verses, the second member being termed "verse." The name is from the gradus, or steps, on which the precentor stood. The gradual originated from the singing of entire Psalms occurring, in the primitive Church, between the lessons.

Luther, in his Formula missce, permitted the use of the gradual, but preferred to assign the longer graduals of the lenten season to family worship. Accordingly he substituted, in the German mass, a German hymn, to be sung by the full choir. Al­though the gradual is mentioned by some liturgies of the sixteenth century, it soon lapsed in the Lutheran Church. Latterly, however, it is coming to be restored, or at least, favored, especially on festivals, either in the forms of a congregational hymn, or choral song, or the two combined.

2. In the Roman Church, "gradual " also sig­

nifies the book containing all the chant, of the mass,

in distinction from the Antiphonarium, which con­

tains the chants proper to the offices of prayer. As

first uniformly arranged by Palestrina and Gio­

vanni Guidetti, it appeared in 1614‑15; subse­

quently, as revised and enlarged in an edition

pronounced authentic, in 1872 (folio) and 1877

(octavo). OEM; RiETsCHEr,~

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. Martbne De antiquie ecclesi® ritibua,

I., iv. 12, § 1, Antwerp, 1736‑37; M. Gerbert, De cantu et

musica sacra, i. 398 eqq, San Blas, 1774; W. Maskell,

Mouumenta rilualia eccleaiee Anplicano, i. 39, London,

1846; L. aeh6berlein, Schatz den liturgiachen Chor‑ and

Gemeiudepeeanpe, i. 198 eqq., GSttingen, 1865; v. Thal­

hofer, Haudbuch den kalholiachen Liturpik, ii. 9 eqq., Frei‑

burg, 1893; DCA, i. 746‑748; BL, v. 981‑983.

GRAFE, grd'fe, EDUARD: German Protestant; b. at Elberfeld (16 m. e.n.e. of Dilsseldorf) Mar. 12, 1855. He was educated at the universities of Bonn (1873‑74), Leipsic (1874‑76, 1878‑79), Tubingen



(1876‑77; Ph.D., 1880), and Berlin (1877‑78), and

became privat‑docent at the last‑named university

in 1884. Two years later he was appointed asso­

ciate professor of New Testament exegesis at Halle;

whence he went to Kiel in 1888 as full professor of

the same subject. Since 1890 he has been pro­

fessor at Bonn, and has written Ueber Veranlassung

and Zweck den Romerbriefs (Freiburg, 1881); Die

paulinische Lehre vom Genets (1884); and Die Std­

lung and Bedeutung den Jakobusbriefes in der Ent­

wicklung den Urchridentums (Tiibingen, 1904).


Episcopal bishop of Fond du Lao; b. at Boston

Apr. 12, 1830. He studied theology under Bishop

W. R. Whittingham of Maryland, and was ordered

deacon in 1855 and ordained priest three years

later. He was assistant at Reisterstown, Md., and

a city missionary in Baltimore, Md., from 1855 to

1858, and curate of St. Paul's, Baltimore, as well as

chaplain of the Maryland Deaconesses, from 1858

to 1865. He was rector of* the Church of the

Advent, Boston, from 1872 to 1888, and in the

following year was consecrated bishop of Fond du

Lao. While in England from 1865 to 1872 he

helped to establish the Society of St. John the Bap­

tist, popularly known as Cowley Fathers, and also

founded a community of the English St. Margaret's

Sisterhood in Boston in 1888, in addition to estab­

lishing the mother house of the Sisters of the Holy

Nativity at Providence, R. I., in the same year.

He is one of the leaders of the High‑church school

in America, and has written Vocation, or Call of the

Divine Master to a Sister's Life (New York, 1889);

Plain Suggestions for a Reverent Celebration of the

Holy Communion (1897); Christian and Catholic

(1905); and A Catholic Atlas, or, Digest of Catholic

Theology (1908).




OF (known also as Boni Homines, q.v.): One of the

chief orders of the latter part of the eleventh century.

Its founder, Stephan, was born in Auvergne in

1046. He was educated for the religious life by

his kinsman, Bishop Milo of Benevento, and from

1070 to 1074 resided in Rome. His petition to. be

permitted to establish ‑ religious order was refused

by Alexander II. on aceG int of Stephan's youth. In

1073, however, Gregory VII. granted his request,

and Stephan returned to France, where he built a

little but of boughs iii Muret, a desolate spot in

Auvergne, near Limoges where he lived according

to the strict Calabrian rule. For several years his

asceticism found few imitators, but gradually the

fame of his sanctity led many to submit to his

guidance, although he refused the title of master or

abbot and called himself simply "corrector." After

his death, Feb. 8, 1124, the home of the community

was fixed on the mountain Grandmont a few miles

northeast of Limoges, to which Stephan used to re­

tire for prayer. Hence the name was given to the


The bull of Gregory VII. empowered Stephan

only to establish an order on the Benedictine rule,

yet he seems to have made certain additions from

other monastic institutions in so far as he considered

them advisable. In 1143 Stephan de Lisiac, the

third successor of the founder, reduced to writing

the regulations which hitherto had been trans­

mitted only by word of mouth. Under him the

order had more than sixty houses, especially in

Aquitaine, Anjou, and Normandy. The eighth prior,

Ademar de Friac, drew up a new rule of extreme

severity which was confirmed by Innocent III.

It was not until the, seventeenth century that the

forty‑second prior, G. Bary, mitigated this rule,

but after that time a strict Observantine division

separated from the main order under the leadership

of Charles Fr6mont. From its very beginning the

order contained more lay brothers than regulars,

and thus fell a prey to internal schism and decay.

Limited throughout its history to France, it suc­

cumbed to the storms of the Revolution. The

habit was a black cassock with a scapular and a

pointed hood. Toward the end of the thirteenth

century the order also comprised three nunneries.

(O. ZSes=Rt.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The "Rule" wen published at Rouen, 1671. Sources are: J. Lev6que, Annalas ordinis Grandi­montenais, Troyes, 1662; the Vita of the founder, by Gerald Itherii, with comment, is in ASS, Feb., ii. 199­212, and in MPL, cciv. 1006‑48. Consult: C. Fr& mont, La Vie, la mort et Us miracles de S. thenne, Dijon, 1647; H. de la Marche de Peruse, La Vie do S. 96enns, Paris, 1704; Helyot, Ordres monastiques. vii. 406 eqq., 470­493; Heimbuoher, Orden and Konprepationen, i. 415‑417; KL, v. 990‑993; Carrier. ttrimss. PP. 150‑152.

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