And Mckeown, M. (2012) a critical exploration of using football in health and welfare programs: Gender, masculinities and social relations. Journal of Sport and Social Issues. 36(4): 387-409 A

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ness masculinity’ characterised by egocentrism, conditional loyalties and commitment to capital accumulation (Connell, 2000). Perhaps this is more likely to embody the pernicious, hybrid and subtle gender expressions that Demetriou (2001) refers to.
xvi Pope (2010) argues that women football supporters have often been dismissed asinauthentic and

consumer fans (as they are seen as connected with the growth of the social gentrification of football fandom) and have been counter-positioned against the more authentic’ working class male fans. Ironically it is precisely womens involvement in the game that has often provoked a backlash against women supporters, players and officials. It is also worth noting that womens involvement in football has also been seen asparadoxical. For
example, womens football can be seen as reproducing the flip-side of hegemonic masculinity - emphasised femininity - or what Caudwell (2011b) calls embodied femininity
xvii Examples include FC United in Manchester and the Spirit of Shankly grouping of Liverpool FC fans. The latter notably changed its name from Sons of Shankly because of perceived sexism. Such developments can be seen as associated with fan protest movements against particular ownership regimes.

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