And Mckeown, M. (2012) a critical exploration of using football in health and welfare programs: Gender, masculinities and social relations. Journal of Sport and Social Issues. 36(4): 387-409 A

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viii Despite sports stars such as footballers often being held up as role models, they can exhibit a range of drunken or violent and objectionable behaviour towards women (see Lines, 2001). For example, incidents of partner assault reported in relation to Paul Gascoine (Hattenstone, 2011) and Stan Collymore (Brockes, 2006), players’ convictions for assault and various acts of violence against team-mates (Press Association, 2010), and multiple allegations of rape and sexual assault by footballers (Scott, 2004, Laville, 2005, James ,2009). It is interesting

to note how male player’s sexual aggression towards women has actually been defended, in some cases by women themselves. Women may minimise the extent of the problem in an attempt to reconcile their own experience with wanting to stay involved in the game (Mewitt and Toffoletti, 2008). This, in turn, serves to reinforce a masculine gender legitimacy that continues to degrade women.
ix This event created a flurry of media coverage. Events such as these, which result in extensive media interest, have been referred to aspegs onto which salient socio-cultural issues become focused (Nylund, 2004)
x In England, the age was increased from 11 to 13 years in 2011.
xi The ways in which challenges to dominant forms of masculinity get re-absorbed leaving them intact, if more subtle and ironic, has been described elsewhere. For example, homophobia and sexism in football (Caudwell

2011a) and talk sport shows in the US (Nylund, 2004).
xii Social historians have argued that nineteenth century codification of sports such as football can be seen as part of capitalisms project to pacify the (mostly male) working classes. Critics such as Gareth Stedman Jones (1977) have argued against a too simplistic view of the relationship between class expression and social control, noting that cities with great passion for football are not always lacking in militancy, and that the history of gendered segregation of leisure is under-explored.
xiii This possibility is complicated by various counter-trends. These include the obvious commercialisation of the top echelons of the game and the increasing ownership of Premier League teams by super-rich individuals. Following the Taylor report, the introduction of all-seating stadia coincided with a perceived bourgeoisification of the sport, with relatively affluent middle class supporters supplanting traditional working class fans who struggle to keep up with the inflated cost of match tickets (Taylor, 2008, Malcolm, 2000). Nevertheless, significant working class supporters continue to follow the game, and other spaces, such as public houses have increasingly become venues for working class spectating of football matches (Weed, 2008)
xiv In a similar way, Coakley (2002) asks whether we would even consider controlling middle class corporate deviance and violence through youth sports programs aimed at privileged young people who are likely to acquire power in society as adults.
xv Connell refers to hegemonic masculinity within global capitalism as transnational busi

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