An geamheadh, 1906



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secure in its perfect faith in God, and fixed as the immovable rocks around him in its Heaven-sent purpose, never once quailed or caused him to give way to gloomy misgivings. His mission to convert and to reform, to civilise and educate, was as fixed as the stars above him, which illumined his lonely vigils, and struck added piety to his saintly breast. Nothing could conquer him. No man could say him nay, and persist. No difficulty could daunt him. No obstacle could turn aside his hand from that which God had given him to do. Colum of the Gael! Dean eadar-ghuidhe air ar son: dean cuidich leinn, tha sinn a'guidhe ort!

armachd

Aig a' chruinneachadh mhòr a thachair an Lunainn a's t-samhradh so chaidh, agus ris an goirear anns a' Bheurla an International Parliamentary Confer­ence, labhair cuid de 'n luchd-labhairt a bha lathair gu duineil, gu calma an aghaidh Armachd. Chuir iad an cèill na smaointean a bha aca mu'n chùis so air dhòigh agus nach leig duine sam bith a bha 'gan èisdeach a bhi an amharus nach robh làn fhìrinn aca anns na h-uile ni a thubhairt iad air mhodh cho soilleir agus sòlaimte. Chuir iad an cèill iomadh fìrinn cudromach mu'n ghnothach so, agus a thug mòran de dh'eòlas dhoibhsan a bha lathair. A rèir agus mar a thubhairt an teachdaire Fran­gach, tha an Fhraing a' buileachadh air an armailt, agus air a cuid cabhlaichean suim ni's lugha na 1,000,000,000 frs. gach bliadhna. ; agus ris na fioghairean so, cuiridh sinn feadhainn eile air sgath fiosrachadh ar luchd-leughaidh.

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Is maith a dh'fhaodas sinn iognadh ghabhail! as na fioghairean so. Is maith a dh'fhaodadh an teachdaire Frangach fhaighneachd, air dha 'oraid a cho-dhunadh 'sa labhairt, " de a choisinn sinn nur choinneamh so uile ?" Fhreagair e gu maith. " Is.' aobhar maslaidh agus cromaidh cinn duinn e :| cha'n e a mhàin gu'm bheil Armachd 'na aobhar maslaidh do gach dùthaich Chrìosdail a tha 'ga cumail suas; ach gu'm bheil i bagradh an dorus a dhunadh air gach ath-leasachadh a th'ann no a bhitheas airson sluagh na Roinn Eòrpa."

Chaidh an International Parliamentary Confei'-ence mu sgaoil; ach na cuspairean a bha aige, agus na chuir e an cèill, maille ri na leasanan a thug e seachad, tha iad beò fathast. Chi sinn so mar thubhairt Sir Uilleam Mulcock an Canada o chionn beagan ùine. B'e Sir Uilleam a bha 'na Ard-Mhaighstir-Phostachd Chanada roimhe so:; agus b'esan a dh'fhosgail am Foillseachadh-Marsan-tachd Dùthchasach an Toronto o chionn mìos no dhà an lathair cruinneachacdh mhòir de shluagh o gach roinn is cearn de'n dùthaich mhòir ud. Thubh­airt Sir Uilleam, a rèir nam paipearan-naigheachd: " This Canada of ours is the only country in the world worth living in; the only country that is not burdened by great military debts, handed down by previous generations. Keep it on those lines;j Watch carefully every tendency towards militar­ism ; for we know that preparation for war leads to war. Remember this is the last spot on God's green earth where men can come and not pay fori the sins of their ancestors.'

Is maith a thubhairt Sir Uilleam gur e uigh-eamachadh airson cogaidh dòigh a's feàrr a th'ann gus cogadh a chur air bonn agus 'ga bhrosnachadh. Ach, saor o sin, is e an dòigh a's feàrr gus bagradh a chur air iomadh ath-leasachadh feumail is cud­romach a tha m'ar coinneamh air an àm. Cia meud uair nach d'èisd sinn an fhreagairt mhuladaich, mhi-thaitnich ud, air do chuid-eigin èiridh o'n t-suidheachan aige anns a' Phàrlamaid Shasunn-aich, agus beagan airgid iarraidh airson ni-eigin a tha air dhìth, " le'r cead, cha'n 'eil agam ri toirt seachad. Gabh mo leth-sgeul; ach cha'n 'eil airgiod agam. Tha mi am mèinn ur cuspair còir, cubhaidh, a chur air adhart ; ach cha'n 'eil airgiod agam gu sin a dheanamh."

Gu cinnteach, is iomadh ni feumail agus luach­mhor a tha air a bhagairt aig an àm air an dòigh Iso. Ciod e tha 'cur dàlach air saor-dhuaisean airson I dhaoine bochda, aosmhor, ach gainne airgid an lorg I Armachd ? Car son nach biodh f oghlum cumanta air feadh na dùthcha so mòran ni's fheàrr na tha e a nis, ach do bhrigh gu'm bheil Armachd la' caitheamh stòrais na dùthcha an dòigh ris nach robh a choimeas riamh ann roimh ? Car son a tha e cho ro dhuilich airgiod na Staide fhaotainn [gus rathadan-mòra agus calachan na Gàidhealtachd \& chur am feabhas; airson nan iasgairean cumanta, ragus airson àiteach, agus airson iomadh ni eile a [bhuineas do'n fhearann? Nach e aobhar do so [uile gu'm bheil Armachd a' dùnadh a mach an rathaid do gach leasachadh feumail, sochrach a th3

1 ann troimhe a chìocras sgriosail, agus leis a [struidheas ain-diadhaidh ? Ciod a tha mòran sluaigh fag ràdh aig a' cheart àm so mu thimchioll Achd [ùr nan Croiteran, nach ann mar sheòrsa de [struidhealachd a tha iad a' gabhail ris? "Cha'n 'eil e iomchuidh aran na cloinne a ghabhail, agus a thilgeadh do na coin." Cha'n 'eil e iomchuidh [(their iad), airgiod na dùthcha a ghabhail agus 'a thilgeadh do na Croitearan. "Is e ar ceud

dleasnas an Iompaireachd Sasunnach a chumail suas le togail shaighdearan, le deanamh ghunn-achan mòra, agus le meudachadh ar cuid ca­bhlach : leig do na Croitearan an dùthaich fhèin fhàgail, agus an dol far am feàrr an dean iad beò­shlaint, mur biodh beathachadh agus àite tàimh air fhaotainn dhoibh an Albainn."

Is ann airson so—do bhrigh gur e Armachd a tha a' dunadh a mach an rathaid a dh'ionnsaidh gach leasachaidh fheumail shochairich a th'ann no a bhitheas—gu'm bheil mòran sluaigh air feadh dùthchannan na Roinn Eòrpa am beachd gu'n, d'thàinig an t-àm a nis gu srian a chur ri meud­achadh agus ri cumail a suas nam feachd agus nan cabhlach a tha air uachdar an t-saoghail. Their iad : chuir sinn an duello fo ar casaibh an iomadh àite; car son, mata, nach cuireadh sinn ar cùl ri aimhreit eadar cinnich fa leith ? Ma tha e 'na ni maith do dhuine fàth a thrioblaid a chur an cèill air beulaobh a' bhreitheimh, car son nach biodh e 'na ni maith do chinnich fàth an cuid aimhreitean a chur an cèill air beulaobh luchd-deanamh na sìthe? Ma tha an t-aon ni do-dhionadh, a chionn agus gu'm bheil e dol an aghaidh spiorad is laghanna a' Chreidimh Chrìosdail, an e nach 'eil an tè eile gu bhi air a diteadh airson nan reusonan ceudna?

Ach, tha cuid ag ràdh an aghaidh so, gur e " Ceannachd a tha 'leantuinn na Brataich"—is e sin ri ràdh nach b'urrainn duinn ar malairteachd a chumail suas as a h-eughmhais ; agus gun Arm­achd, nach biodh againn na meadhonan agus na cothruman sin a tha againn a nis (a Ios ar cuid malairteachd a chumail suas agus a sgaoileadh air feadh an t-saoghail) an lorg cumail suas agus meudachaidh ar n-armailte.

A thaobh a' cheud ni, gun teagamh, gun armailt, gun chabhlach air bith, cha bhiodh e comasach duinn dùthchannan is cinnidhean eile a chur suas agus a chumail fo smachd ; ach co a thug dhuinn còir no cead gu sin a dheanamh? Cha b'e Dia ach clann daoine a tha aig bonn na h-eucorach so. Ma tha sinn uile ionann air beulaobh Dhè, tha e soilleir, mar sin, gu'm bheil còirichean coimh-ion-annachd aig a h-uile h-aon againn ; agus ma is ann mar so a tha, car son a tha sinn a'deanamh strì gus còirichean dhùthchannan eile a thoirt air falbh uapa ? An aghaidh so, tha luchd-deanamh a' chog­aidh anns an dùthaich so ag ràdh, gur e ni car maith còirichean dhùthchannan eile a thoirt air falbh uapa, agus iad a chur fo smachd agus fo chìs dhuinn fhèin; ach is cealgairean agus fir-aithris bhreagan iadsan gu buileach. Nam b'e airson maith a mhain a thug na Sasunnaich buaidh air India, air an Eiphit, agus air mòran dhùthchannan eile, ciod is ciall do'n gnàth-fhocal a chuir sinn an cèill a cheana, agus a tha iadsan a ghnàth a' sparradh air adhart—is e sin ri ràdh gur e " Ceannachd a tha a ghnàth a' leantuinn na Brataich"? Thug na Sasunnaich buaidh air India, air an Eiphit, agus air mòran dhùthchannan eile a chionn agus gu'n d'iarr iad làmh-an-uachdar fhaotainn orra, agus a. chionn gu'n robh iad dèigheil air an cuid fearainn a ghabhail doibh fhèin. Mar so, thug iad buaidh orra: cha b'e idir gu'n robh guth aca air am maith no air an slàinte (spioradail no aimsireil); agus, gu dearbh, is fior bhaoghlan esan a tha 'gabhail beachd air a' chùis so rathad sam bith eile.

A thaobh an dara ni, is e sin ri ràdh, nach b'urrainear ar cuid malairteachd a dhìon agus a chumail suas as eughmhais Armachd, is fior neon­ach an leith-sgeul sin. Gabh beachd air Beige, aon de na dùthchannan a's beirtiche agus a's soirbhiche a th'ann air an latha an diugh : gidheadh is e beagan ghunnaichean mòra agus longancog-aidh a th'aice. Air an làimhe eile, is i Ruisia aon de na dùthchannan a's mò agus a's cumhachd-aiche a th'ann ; ach is i, mar an ceudna, aon de na dùthchannan a's lugha beirteis, a's lugha soirbheis, agus a's lugha sithe a tha _ air agh­aidh an t-saoghail, ged is mòr an t-suim a tha an Tsar, maille r'a chuid cùirtearan, a' struigheadh air feachd na mara agus air feachd na tire gach bliadhna. Ma tha e fìor gu'm bheil "Ceannachd a ghnàth a'leantuinn na Brataich," car son a tha na h-àiteachais a bhuineas do'n Fhraing, do'n Eadailt, agus do'n Ghearmailt cho ro neoluach-mhor dhoibh? An àite a bhi 'nan culaidhean soirbheachaidh agus beartais do na dùthchannan ud, tha fios aig a h-uile h-aon nach 'eil iad ach mar chulaidh laigse agus mar fhàth cosdais neo-chrìochnach dhoibh uile. A rìs, ma is e " Cean­nachd a tha a ghnàth a' leantuinn na Brataich," ciod a dh'fhaodar a ràdh mu'n chinnich ud aig nach robh aon chuid Bratach no Iompaireachd, anns na làithean a dh'aom, agus a bha tur ainmeil 'nan àm fhèin airson an cuid ceannachd ? Mar so, bha Comh-Fhlaitheachd Venetzia, na h-Iudhaich, an luchd-reic a thàinig à Pcenicia eadhon gu traighean Bhreatainn a' chinn a deas, na ceannaichean o thraighean mu'n cuairt do Thuirich na Roinn Eòrpa, na Grèugaich, muinntir Thire is Shidon, agus marsantan a bhuineadh do iomadh dùthaich eile. Gu cinnteach, cha b'i a' Bhratach idir a bha cumail taice ri Ceannachd anns na làithean ud, ni's mò is fheudar dhith a bhith 'ga cumail suas air an latha an diugh. Trèibhdhireas, dian-dheothas, ealantachd —is iad so na buaidhean a's cumhachdaiche agus a's feumaile gu dorus fhosgladh a nis a dh'ionn­suidh Ceannachd, ceart mar a bha iad làn comasach sin a dheanamh anns na bliadhnaichean a chaidh seachad; agus neach air bith a tha beachd smaoint-eachadh air a' chùis so rathad sam bith eile, cha'n e a mhàin gu'm bheil e 'ga mhealladh fhèin, ach a tha e 'na cheap-tuislidh do iomadh neach eile mar an ceudna.

Tha taobh eile air 'a ghnothach so; agus is se in gur ann mar sheòrsa de sheargadh-bheusachd atha Armachd a' tùirling oirnn, a bharrachd air dha bhi dunadh an rathaid a dh'ionnsuidh gach leasach­aidh shochairich fheumail a th'ann, agus a' caith­eamh storais na dùthcha.

An toiseach, co dhiù a tha Gaidheal na h-Alba a' gabhail anns an Fheachd shuidhichte, no dol air 'aghaidh gu tasdan an Fheachd-dùthcha a chur anns a sporan, tha e gu tur soilleir gu'm bheil e mar sin air an rathad a's feàrr gu cul-taic a chur ri Armachd. Is fior gu'm bheil mòran ag ràdh, nach 'eil e idir mar so; ach gur ann mar airson tir-ghràdhaiche a mhàin a tha e deanamh mar sin. Ach, ciod tha gràdh-dùthcha a' caolachadh? A rèir nam foclairean againn, tha gràdh-dùthcha a' ciallachadh gràidh d'ar dùthaich fhèin. Cha'n 'eil e ciallachadh gràidh do dhùthchannan a bhuineas do mhuinntir eile. Is e Armachd a tha 'ciallach­adh an nithe ud; agus ma bhitheas feum againn air comhdach air sin, gu dearbh cha'n fhaod sinn dol fad' as ar rathad a Ios làn dearbhadh air sin fhaotainn.

Ciod a thachair anns an dùthaich so againn an deigh do chogadh an Africa a chinn a deas a' bhristeadh a mach ? Air ball, dh'èigh na Sasunn­aich le guth àrd gu'n robh an cuid Iompaireachd "an cunnart," agus chaidh an sgeul brònach a sgaoileadh mu'n cuairt, agus air feadh garbh

-chriochan na Gàidhealtachd. Dh'fhalbh na Gàidh­eil 'nam badain agus 'nam milltean o shrath, o ghleann, agus o bhaile; agus, air iarrtas nan Sasunnach, thug iad Africa mu dheas orra, a Ios dol a chogadh an aghaidh nam Boereach. Agus, •car son ? De an diolas a rinn na Boereich riamh air Gàidheil na h-Alba? Agus, saor o sin, am bu chòir do Ghàidheil an dùthaich aca fhèin fhàgail, a dhol a mharbhadh nam Boereach, agus gus am fuadach a mach o'n fhearann aca fhèin ; agus an Gàidheal e fhèin air a mharbhadh agus Air 'fhuadach a mach o thir nam beann le nàimh­dean ceudna iomadh bliadhna roimhe so ?

Chi sinn mar so, gu'm bheil Armachd 'na ni .anabarrach cunnartach, baoghalach, agus neo-fheagarach air taobh nan Gàidheal, a chionn agus gu'm bheil e 'gan treorachadh gu h-ana-ceartas agus gu faoineachd nach beag. Nam b'e an t aon chuspair a tha aig Armachd an dùthach againn fhèin a dhion agus a chumail tearainnte o'n lamhan-san aig am bheil miann lamh-an-uachdar fhaotainn oirnn, faodar a ràdh gu'm biodh e 'na ni freagarach agus ceart gu leòir, ged a tha tur fior e na tha cuid ag ràdh gu'n robh tuilleadh is mò de chomstri agus de chogadh againn anns na bliadh­naichean a chaidh seachad. Ach, am bitheantas, cha'n ann mar so a tha a' chùis a' tuiteam a mach, mar tha làn fhios aig a na h-uile fear. Oir, air do chogadh a' bristeadh a mach anns an dùthaich sin no anns an dùthaich ud, air ball, thèid a chuid fuaim mu sgaoil air feadh na Gàidhealtachd ; agus, am prioba na sula, is e "Clann nan Gàidheal an guaillibh a chèile !" thar a' chuan an eigh a's àirde a tha na Sasunnaich a' togail a suas. Air ball, thèid na Gàidheil fo ghèill dha agus 'nan sàs. Air .àrnaibh luaineach, tuairgneach mar sud, is gnàth leinn di-chuimhne a leigeil air ar n-Eachdraich-ne, agus air a h-uile ni a dh'fhulaing sinn, maille ris ar sinnsearan, aig làmhan nan Sasunnach anns na h-aimsirean a dh'aom; agus, air an iarrtas-san, is gnàth leinn dùthchannan thar a' chuan nach buin duinn idir, agus as nach d'thàinig dochainn no call air bith riamh air Gàidheil na h-Alba a thogail oirnn, gus an saorsa a thoirt air falbh uapa, no iadsan a chur fo smachd agus fo chis do na Sasunnaich. Ach, air do'n chogadh a bhi seachad, agus cha b'abhaist sin a bhi gun mhòr chall do na Ghàidheil is fior bheag a tha sinn a' cluinntinn mu dheidhinn ar cuid còirichean, ar uireasbhuidh-ean agus ar miannan, uapasan a bha 'gar brosnachadh gu cogadh an agaidh an nàimhdean an àm am feuma. An àite sin, is e a ghnàth dearmad agus di-meas a tha sinn a' faotainn uapa. Is e an Times paipear-naigheachd a's mò, a's ain-meile agus a's cumhachdaiche a tha 'tighinn a mach air an latha an diugh an Lunainn, àrd-bhaile na h-Iompaireachd Shasunnaich ; agus ciod e a tha an Times ag ràdh mu thimchioll ar canain agus laghanna an fhearainn ? Nach b'e an Times a chuir a mach o chionn mìos no dhà paipeir garg, nàimhd­eil, ladarna, agus gu tur aineolach mu dheimhinn ar cainnt? Agus nach b'e an Times a chuir air bonn a' chomstri mu Bhille ùr nan Croitearan, agus a tha mairsinn gus an latha an diugh, le sùil aige fhèin gus a' Bhille mhaith, fhreagarach, fheumail sin a thilgeadh bun os cionn? Agus na tha an Times ag ràdh mu nithean so, nach saoil sibh nach ann mar sheòrsa de chreideamh chumanta a tha e leigeil air na Sasunnaich ? Sgriob Euisianach, agus air ball gheibh sibh a mach nach 'eil ann ach Tartarach. Tha sgriobhadair ainmeil ag ràdh: "the Englishman's love of liberty, real and intense as regards his own, is but skin-deep where other races are concerned. He is ready enough to ap­plaud the efforts of people struggling to be free under flags other than his own; but similar manifestations on the part of people subject to his own rule are wont to be treated with scant ceremony and respect."

Aon uair eile, na leigeamaid air di-chuimhne gur e uigheamachadh airson cogaidh a tha 'gar treòrachadh a dh'ionnsaidh chogaidh. Chuir sinn an cèill a cheana na stèidhean sin leis an deach­aidh stùireadh air nithean-rioghail ar dùthcha anns na làithean a dh'aom. "Keep it on those lines. Watch carefully every tendency towards militar-ism, for we know that preparation for war leads to war." Ach is ann a tha e 'gar treòrachadh gu ni-eigin na's miosa eadhon na sin. Tha e 'gar treòrachadh a dh'ionnsaidh bad nan Sasunnach.
the gael and the english party system

Perhaps no feature of modern political life is better calculated to reveal the extent to which the Gael has declined from his former high estate than the present dependence of our country upon the English party system. It says much for John Bull and his powers of dogged blandishment, and peripatetic assimilation alternated by blustering self-assertion, that he should so effectually have dimmed and obscured our political vision as to persuade vast numbers of our countrymen to believe in the de­ception that in his party system consists, not only our account, but our natural and legitimate political hemisphere. By a process to which we can but apply the appellation of political suction, he has reduced us, almost in spite of ourselves, to the belief that his peculiar concerns are not less matters of importance to us than they are to himself. This seeming identity of interests, purchased with­out undue insistence, without apparent effort, is, it must be allowed, a master-stroke. It has, tempor­arily at all events, conquered Scotland in the interest of the domestic concerns of the Predominant Part­ner. Whig and Tory, Conservative and Liberal, are as much, and as truly, at home on Gaelic soil as they are on the political camping grounds of Eng­land. The speech which the Whig or Tory delivers in the "capital of the Empire," he can, if he so please—and more often than not, we are afraid, he does so please—deliver a week or so afterwards in any of the "provincial political centres"—say Glas gow or Edinburgh—with just as much (or as little) effect. The only difference to be observed between the two compositions is this, that, whereas in England he calls England England, in Scotland he so far condescends to recognise what Mr. Balfour, in one of those daring flights of the imagination which have already established his claim to the admiration and gratitude of posterity, styled " local patriotism," as to call England '' Britain ". By a pro­cess so simple, by legerdemain so elementary—even childish—is our poor country accustomed to be bubbled!

Undoubtedly, it says much for the strength of the system to which we are referring, and for its powers of blandishment and deception, that so few Scotsmen should appear to be conscious of its disastrous effects on our country and its interests. Of the Scots Conservative member of Parliament it is little indeed that can be expected, in the direction at all events of opening the eyes of his fellow-countrymen, in respect of the evils and abuses of which we complain. For the Scots Conservative, even more than the Scots Liberal or Radical, is tied and bound by the chains of the English party system to the existing order of things. For better, for worse, he is definitely committed to the preservation of a state of affairs which produces the dismal consequences glanced at above. Nor do we know that the average Scots Whig or Radical is a much more wholesome or prepossessing product, from the national point of view. Like his tawny and crusted political ad­versary, he, too, is tied and bound by the enslaving chains of the English party system ; and if, at times, his actions, gestures and grimaces are such as to induce a suspicion in the mind of the interested spectator of his sufferings that he, at all events, is not unmindful where the shoe pinches, yet his " loyalty " to party, his ingrained habit of regarding himself, not as a Scotsman with a soul to his body and brains to his head, but as a species of political machine, made in England and labelled "N.B.," may implicitly be trusted to get him out of the difficulty to which a continuance of reflection and self-examination upon certain dangerous lines would inevitably expose him. Of the two, of course, we infinitely prefer the latter, in spite of his "pro­grammes " made in England, and for English con­sumption only, and his regrettable tendency to establish intimate political relations between himself and the town-pump. From our point of view, the Tory is, upon the most moderate computation, at least a hundred years past praying for. He is com­mitted, by his English allies and associates, to persons and principles which to us, as Gaels, are anathema.

Moreover, he has formed a number of discreditable political connexions in England ; and probably of all undesirable possessions, shady friends and acquaint­ances are the most discouraging, the easiest to come by, and the most difficult to shake off. His principal bully or corner-man in the newspaper press is The Times, which recently distinguished itself by a singularly brutal and quite unprovoked assault upon the Gaelic language; and with every desire in the world not to think too harshly of his Saxon friends, whose attentions, we are aware, are some­times more persistent than agreeable and more pressing than discreet, yet we are afraid that, so far as the Gael is concerned, the Scots Tory or Conservative stands condemned. We venture to prophesy for him a fate as interesting and exclusive as that which has overtaken his ornithological counterpart—the dodo.

In England, judging by the pages of the news­paper press, there would appear to be a vogue in favour of what is styled "clear-thinking," a habit of mind which would seem to be somewhat unusual amongst our neighbours, who have lately been in­sisting on it with a shrillness and a vehemence which engender unkind suspicion. At all events, it is a habit of mind which we cordially recommend to the Gael. Clear-thinking, and plenty of it, are what we require; and in no connexion, we venture to say, are the beneficial results of that healthy and com­mendable practice more likely to redound to the national good than they are in respect of the Gael and the English party system.

The most cursory glance at Scottish history should serve to convince the unprejudiced reader that the English party system has played sad havoc with our affairs. From the union of the crowns at the beginning of the seventeenth century down to the accession of Queen Anne, the political relations of Scotland with England, though necessarily close in consequence of the union of the crowns, yet did not partake of that intimate character which, owing to the legislative union, they subsequently assumed. The Act of 1707, however, changed the entire com­plexion of Scottish national affairs and revolutionised the political situation of the country. The removal of the Court to London was the first step in the direction of placing Scotland in that subordinate position which she at present occupies but does not adorn. The legislative Union, however, extended and confirmed that dependence. It did more. By throwing the Scots Parliamentary representation into the scale of one or other of the two great rival English parties, it effectually deprived our country of its national significance, and its legitimate political representation. With the passing of the Union, the Scots politician ceased to be, primarily, a Scots politician. The affairs of his country, from having once been national, descended, all at once, to a provincial and subordinate position. Moreover, the play of English politics, the constant warring of English rival factions, completed our discomfiture and entailed his insignificance. The Scots politician became a mere Whig or Tory political hanger-on, an obsequious member of the " Court Party," or a boisterous, and not too scrupulous, exponent of the principles affected by the "Flying Squadron". In a word, his national instincts and functions became completely subordinated to English party considera­tions. He ceased to be a Scottish representative, and attached himself to the fortunes of one or other (sometimes both) of the two great English political parties. Under such a system, not only did the affairs of our country suffer grievous neglect, but the moral strength of our representation was seriously undermined. The English parties soon crossed the border, and by the artful employment of terms and phraseology whose anti-national pur­port and significance the people did not fully com­prehend, they established that fiction of an identity of political interests which endures, with so melan­choly results, even to this day.

We sometimes hear individual Scotsmen and Scots members of Parliament complaining of the "press of business" at Westminster—a press to which they are pleased to ascribe the scandalous neglect of Scottish affairs in London. No doubt, the English parliamentary machine is sufficiently overburdened ; and the complaints received from all quarters as to the neglect of the pressing public affairs of countries subordinate to England must render it patent, even to the meanest intelligence, that the Westminster concern has long outgrown its original usefulness, supposing, of course, that it ever possessed any. But the root of the evil is not here. It consists rather in the English party system itself which, for the sake of scoring a real or imaginary triumph to warring political factions, rides rough-shod over the interests of everybody and everything whose account does not rise or fall by means of the passing victories or defeats of those political factions. The reform of the English par­liamentary procedure would undoubtedly lighten the labouring ship; but it would not take the helm out of the hands of the Predominant Partner, nor would it allow her Celtic passengers, battened down 'tween decks, the privilege of taking the air, and stretching their limbs, in more enjoyable quarters. The game of politics, as made and understood in

England, would still go merrily on. The affairs of] Scotland, the affairs of Ireland and the affairs of Wales would still depend for such meagre measure of recognition as they might be able to extort upon the sport of English factions, and upon the rival efforts of English politicians to snatch from one another the coveted "balance of power". The typically Protestant idea underlying the practice of what is styled " family worship " is seen humor­ously exemplified in the case of the Family Gather­ing at Westminster. John Bull sits at the political breakfast table with his political Bible triumphantly in front of him; his Celtic servitors being accommo­dated with seats at a distance sufficiently respectful. The service begins ; and it is the servitor's privilege to say "Amen" to everything that John Bull says.. To talk of enlarging the dining-room with a view to increasing the comfort of the Celtic menials, is a suggestion whose appropriate counterpart could only be discovered in a proposal to widen the window of some solitary prisoner's cell, with the idea of the unfortunate captive's obtaining a better view of the free and the independent world outside.

It is obvious, too, that clear-thinking is a process not only to be warmly recommended in the case of the country in general, but that it is highly desirable in our parliamentary representatives themselves, who, by reason of their situation, are peculiarly ex­posed to the influences of that system whose evils we deplore. The Scots member of Parliament, in spite of his Radicalism, is usually not much of a Nationalist. So far from leading our people, he, as a rule, submits to being led, if not ostentatiously by the nose, at all events surreptitiously by one of his available extremities, by those whose political interests cannot possibly be reconciled with our own.

As we have already pointed out, the effect of the English party system is to provincialise our most important and pressing concerns. It is true that the Scottish member may occasionally kick against the pricks ; but tbe observation holds good of him, as it does of the Irish and Welsh representative, that kick he never so violently and valiantly, the English party system will invariably be found to have the upper hand. His political environment runs counter even to his most benevolent and his most patriotic intentions; and however brave a show he may make whilst he is sowing what are styled his political wild oats, sooner or later he succumbs, of course in varying degree, and in ratio to the strength of his powers of moral resistance, to the fell party system of England. Under the influence of that system, his fate, more often than not, is merely commonplace; though, sometimes, it is almost pathetic. Usually, he rapidly de­generates into a mere party machine or political hack, who knows no joy, who is oblivious of all sound save the premeditated crack of the English party Whip. Tbe rest of the career of such an one is easily prognosticated. He becomes a Cabinet Minister; and after a more or less brief period passed in trying to acquire the rudiments of the office he has been appointed to discharge, he finally passes from the ken of Nationalism into the gilded obscurity of the English House of Lords.

Sometimes, however (but rarely we confess), the Scottish politician, turned Radical or Whig, is made of somewhat better stuff. He affects to, or really does, despise the flesh-pots of Westminster. But what is his fate ? He either forms a political " cave " himself, and like Nebuchadnezzar—forsaken of men—forages for himself amongst the weeds


and undergrowth of the political wilderness, or he becomes a wild-eyed occupant, ciad in skins, as it were, and having his reason more or less in dispute, of one of those curious and insalubrious political resorts. It is easy to prognosticate the rest of the career of such an one. The " cave " either falls in upon him, and so accomplishes his political ex­tinction ; or having quarrelled with the other deni­zens of the den, he is caught, tarred and feathered, and burnt for a tyrant, traitor, or bore in the polemi­cal bush. The very mildest fate that is in store for him is expulsion from the "cave," accompanied with all the available marks of ignominy. In either case, his usefulness, as his occupation, are gone: Nationalism knows him no more; and the English party system goes its old way rejoicing.

It may well be inquired at this conjuncture what remedy there is for this distressing and humiliating state of affairs. We know of none, except it be the abrogation of the Union of 1707, and the restoration of our country to her ancient independence.
na stiubhartaich anns an roimheCho lionmhor agus suspainneach tha seallaidhean na Roimhe—nithean o shean, mheadhon-aois, agus eadhon ar làth-ne—'s gu'm bheil an luchd-siubbal Gàidhealach anabarrach ullamh gu bhi dichuimh-neacbadh duilleag phriseil de 'r n-eachdraidh a tha ceangailte ri " Baile Siorraidh na Roimhe ".

Cha'n 'eil fios aig mòran de'n luchd-turuis a

1

1 The Last of the Royal Stuarts: Henry Stuart, Cardinal Duke of York. Le Herbert M. Vaughan. Methuen, London.

thèid do'n Roimhe gu'm bheil nithean a bhuineas do na Stiubhartaich innte, agus cha'n 'eil iad a' gabhail suim gu'n robh iad riamh innte, ma dhaoite gu toir iad suil air a' charragh bhreagha a thog Canova an Eaglais Naoimh Phadruig.

Feudaidh e bhith gu'n robh cuid air an glacadh le iongnadh ann a bhith a' seasamh mu choinneamh Eaglais Ban-naoimh Moire an Trastevere, agus ag amharc air suaicheantas rioghail Bhreatainn 's na Frainge a tha'n crochadh fo dhealbh na croise, agus aid sgarlaid anns an t-seipeil a dh'athnuadhaich Cardineal York, a bha air son fichead bliadhna a' riaghladh, fo ainm, na h-Eaglais so ; ach is e beagan a 'sa tha eòlach air an t-seann lùchairt dhuirch Phiazza Santissimi Apostoli a bha 'na dachaidh air­son còrr is leth-cheud-bliadhna aig na " Righrean thar an uisge," no tha eòlach air toglaichean eile a tha toinnte suas ann an eachdraidh taigh mhi-fhortanaieh nan Stiubhartach.

Bha eadhon Voltaire fhèin anabarrach duilich airson a' mhi-fhortain a dhluth lean an taigh so riamh.

Tha ceann deas na sraide, fosgailte so—Piazza Santissimi Apostoli—ceangailte ris an t-sraid ùir dhriopail sin, Via Nazionale. Air an taobh-an-ear tha lùchairt bhreagha, agus Eaglais nan Abstol: air an tsaobh-an-iar, tha taighean breagha anns an bheil Romhanaich uasal a' chomhnuidh. Aig ceann tuath an aite fhosgailte so, tha seann lùchairt nan Stiubhartach a' seasamh. Tha an taigh so glè chumanta mar thogail, ach tha eachdraidh bhrònach air a ceangal ris. Is e ainm an taighe sin an diugh Palazzo Balestro, agus tha riochdair Righ Bhrea­tainn, a' fuireach ann. Goirid an deigh cuir sios "Eirigh na Bliadhna 1715 "—crioch mhi-fhortanach a dh'aobharaich an t-ochdamh Righ Seumas le a laigse, agus a mhi-chomas mar shaighdear—ràinig e an Roimhe, far an robh a bhean òg, Maria Clementina Sobieski, agus mòran luchd-leanmhuinn dileas à Eirinn agus à Alba, a' feitheamh ris. \ Thug am Papa Clement urram rioghail darireadh do'n fhogarach, agus chuir e failte' air leth air, agus thug e dha-an lùchairt bheag so faisg air Eaglais nan Naomh Abstol mar àite-comhnuidh freagarrach agus deiseil airson a theaghlaich agus a chuirtearam Anns an dearbh thaigh so, bliadhna an deigh dha. thighinn gus an Roimhe, rugadh dha leanabh òg, a tha aithnichte do na h-Albannaich mar Phrionnsa, Tearlach.

Thàinig na Cardinealan a 'choimhead air an naoidhean, agus phog iad uile a làmhan bideach; agus chuir am Papa tiodhlaicean dha ionnsuidh; agus coig bliadhna an deigh so, rugadh Eanraig;-agus thug 'athair Diùc York mar thiodal dha. Bha na nithean so uile air innseadh do'n Pharlamaid-Shasunnaich le Ualton, fear-brathaidh mi-fhirean-nach.

Anns an taigh so, cuideachd, chaochail Maria-Clementina bhochd, ogha Iain Sobieski ainmeil,! a theasairg An Roinn Eorpa bho na Turcaich fo; bhallachan Vienn. Bha i anabarrach mi-shona leis a'phòsadh a rinn i; agus bha a fear-pòsda cho mi-chaoimhneil rithe, 's gu'n do theich i uaithe; agus-fhuair i fasgadh anns a' mhanachainn Ursulachj faisg air Via Vittoria agus dh'fhuirich i an sin airson^ còrr is bliadhna.

Ged nach do chuir e moran meas oirre, fhad agus bu bheo i, rinn Seumas Stiubhart bròn duilich air son] a mhnà, agus cinnteach gu'n d'fhairich na prionnsa-4 chan òga (a 'bha a nis 'nam balaich mhòra) a'bhuillg so gu goirt. Sgriobh President de Brosses eachj draidh thlachdmhor agus neonach an Lettres Fd\ milières air Seumas Stiubhart, agus a dha chlann mhac, a tha nis gun mhathair:—

" Tha Righ Bhreatuinn air a dheagh ghreidheadh an so, a rèir a staid uasail. Tha e 'fuireach am Piazza SS. Apostoli an tigh mòr mi-dhreachmhorr far am bheil saighdearan a' Phapa a' cumail freic­eadain, mar a tha iad a' deanamh aig lùchairt a' Phapa, agus tha iad a' gabhail curaim dheth 'nuair a tha e marcachd a muigh.

Is e an aobhar gu'm bheil an taigh aige cho mòr gu'm bheil moran dhaoine uasail à Breatuinn, a bha dileas dha 'na mhi-fhortanan, a' fuireach comhla ris. Is e na fir is ainmeile dhiubh so Milord Dun­bar, Albannach, agus Seumas Moiridh (cuigeamh mac a' cheud Dhiùc Atholl, agus athair an treas Duìc) duine calma, tapaidh agus air a' ghradhachadh gu mòr, ris an d'earb an Righ a chuid cloinne, ged a tha e 'na Phrostanach."

Tha De Brosses, mar an crudna, ag innseadh gur e Stiubhartach glan a bh'ann an Seumas anns na h-uile rathad, agus tha e anabarrach coltach ri 'athair Rìgh Seumas agus ris a bhrathair Diuc Bherwick. Tha e ro dhiadhaidh a'cur seachad moran d' a chuid maduinnean an urnuigh aig uaigh a mhnà an Eaglais nan Abstol.

Tha an t-eachdraiche Frangach so ag innseadh dhuinn gu'n robh an Diuc beag, a bha cuig bliadhna deug a dh'aois, anabarrach measail am measg nan Romhanach, mòran ni bu mheasaile na a bhrathair, agus sin air sgath a bhoicheid, agus cho modhail agus a bha e ; ach b'fhearr le De Brosses fhèin am-fear a's oige, oir chunnaic e gu'n robh 'sa ghille og so calmachd agus treubhantas rach bu bheag, agus I gu'n robh seasmhachd ann nach robh cumanta— subhailcean a thàinig gu soilleir am fradharc beagan bhliadhnaichean an deigh so.

Bha an dithis bhalach glè dhèigheil air ceòl, agus chluicheadh iad gu maith air innealan-ciùil:—

" Cluichidh am fear a's sine ro mhaith air an fhidhil: canaidh am balach a's oige oranan Eadail­teach an dòigh ro-thaitnich : tha iad ri comh-sheirm chiùil uair 'san t-seachduinn: cha'n 'eil ceòl ni's boidhche, no ni's ealanta, anns an Roimh, cha n'fhuirìnn as airson rud sam bith."

Dh'fhag De Brosses eachdraidh thiamhaidh is aighearach air an dol-a-mach a bh'aig Seumas aig a dhinneir. Thigeadh an righ a steach an greadh­nachas, agus thuiteadh na balaich sios air an glùin-ibh, 'nuair a bha an athair a' cantainn an altachaidh. Cha'n fheudadh aoidh sam bith boinne fiona ol gus an òladh Seumas fèin a' cheud chuach—ni nach do chòrd ris an fhear-shiubhal Fhrangach, gu h-araidh aon là 'nuair a dhi-chiumhnich an Righ an t-sear-rag fhiona a chur air a' bhòrd. Aig na cuirmean sòlaimte, lathail, sin, tha De Brosses ag ràdh, gur h-e a' Bheurla a bha Seumas a' cleachdadh do chuid mac aig a' bhòrd, ged a bha iad moran na b'eòlaiche air na cànainean Frangach agus Eadailteach.

Bha baile na Roimhe aig an àm so luma-lan de luchd —turuis Sasunnach moran diubh 'nam fleas-guich òga is beartach—a' gabhail cuairt na Roinn —Eorpa comhla ris an luchd-teasgaisg ; agus bha iad sin gu nadurra dèigheil air Seumas Stiubhart agus na prionnsachan òga fhaicinn. Ach cha robh e ceadaichte do na Sasunnaich a dhol a choimhead air an Lùchairt Stiubhartaich—ordugh Sasunnach a bha air a sparradh gu curamach troimh na luchd-bhrathaidh a bha fo sheòladh a' Mhinisteir Bhrea­tainnich am Florentzia. Charobhfear-ionaidrioghail aig Breatainn an uair sin ni's mò na tha aice an diugh an luchairt a' Phapa. Gidheadh gu boile leis an luchd-brathaidh agus na sgainnealan a bha iad a' giulain gu Sir Horace Mann ann am Florence, chaidh morau de na Breatuinnich a' choimhead air an Righ Seumas—Righ dligheach Bhreatuinn air fogradh—agus air a chuid chlann-mac.

Tri bliadhna an deigh Blàr Chul-fhodair dh' fheumadh Prionnsa Tearlach a bhi air a thilgeadh a mach as an Fhraing a reir Cumha Aix-la-Chapelle, agus riamh o'n la fhuilteach sin, shin moralachd agus meas-cuirt Sheumais Stiubhairt air traghadh, agus b'ann air èiginn a' bha e' faighinn cothrom-fuirich anns a' Roimhe. N'uair a chunnaic Eanraig a mhac a b'oige gu'n robh crun agus cùis nan Stiubhartach air an call, agus sin gu siorruidh ; ghabh e dreuchd 'san Eaglais le aonta 'athair; agus fhuair e gu bhith na Chardineal air ball, ged nach robh e ach dà-bhliadhna thar-fhichead a dh'aois. Chuir an ceum so leithid a' chomh-olc air Prionnsa Tearlach nach do thill e dh'ionnsuidh na Roimhe gus an do chaochail 'athair; ach bha e falbh thall 'sa bhos feadh bhailteau na Roinn Eorpa 'na thrua-ghan bochd uireasbhach. Is e duine dubhach a bh'ann Seumas gu nàdurra,agus a nis, bha dubhachas da rireadh air n'uair a chunnaic e gu'n do thuit a' dhochasan arda gu lèir air an làr. Agus bha fios aige nach fhaiceadh e a mhac Tearlach gu bràth tuille. Chraidh so uile cridhe an seann fhogaraich thruasaich, agus lion cuid is cuid dh'fhalbh a' shlainte agus rè na cuig bliadhna mu dheireadh dhe bheatha, cha d'fhàg e a' sheomraichean. Mu dheireadh, air là na Bliadhna Uire (1766) bhuail tinneas a'bhais e, agus chaochail e an lamhan Chardineil York, a bha frithealadh air gu caomh araon mar shagart agus mar mhac, anns na bladhnaichean duilich so. Bha am Papa glè bhrònach an uair a chual e gu'n do shiubhail e; cha tric a bha neach rioghail, ma dh'fhagas sinn Comte de Chambord a mach, cho dileas agus cho diadhaidh anns an Eaglais Chatho-laich sa bha an rìgh mi-fhortunach so. Fhuair Seumas bochd tiodhlaiceadh anabarrach briaghaj air cosg a' Phapa. Tha eachdraidh mhionaideach an torraidh so an leabhran beaga ris an canar Eachdraidh Tinneis Bàis, Dleasdanasan Solaimte, Agus an Tiodhlacaidh a' Mhor achd Seumas Eigh Bhreatuinn. Anns an leabhar sin, tha sinn a' faicinn-gu'n do laidh corp Sheumais an greadhnachas ann an Eaglais nan Abstol, far am b'abhaist dha gu lathail a bhi frithealadh aig an Aifrionn, agus a' bhi ri urnuigh làimh ri uaigh a mhnà. Bha an taigh am muigh agus a stigh air a chuibhreach le1 aodach dubh, agus iomad ni eile a tha ceangailte ri àm dubhach a' bhais. Bha tiodhlacadh an Righj Seumas cho cosgail, cho dubhach, agus cho greadh-: nachail sa b'urrain tiodhlacadh rioghail a bhi.

Ged a bha na h-uile h-urram air a nochdadh do Sheumas, 'na bheatha agus na bhàs, gidheadh, cha robh am Papa Benedict a' sealltainn air Tearlach a mhac le tlachd. Bha da bhliadna air fhichead ann a nis o nach robh e san Roimhe, agus bha cuirt a' Phapa a' sealltainn air mar duine nach b' fhiù, 'na dhrongair do-leasaichte, agus mar fhear a thrèig creideamh na h-Eaglaise anns an robh 'athair cho iomraiteach. Thug am Papa air falbh Suaicheantas] Bhreatuinn agus Eirinn a bha'n crochadh aig dorusj Luchairt Nan Stiubhartach, agus dhiult e 'bhi ga-3 bhail ris mar Righ agus cha'n fhaigheadh e cead] bruidhne ris a' Phapa. Chuir so comh-olc anabar­rach air Tearlach truagh, agus cha b'urrainn! a' bhrathair ghasda am bearn so a dheanamh suas, agus cha ghabhadh e a chomhairle, agus thuit e na, b'isle agus na b'isle agus is e na sgaomaireau baj shuaraiche a bh'anns an Roimhe a bha 'cumail cuidheachd ris. Aig an àm so a' thainig teachdail rioghail suidhichte as an Fhraing a' choimhead air ran truaghan (a bha 'na chreach aig an deoch-làidir) ià bha aon uair aimneil mar "Prionnsa Tearlach

Boidheach ".

Bha an duine uasal so an duil gu'n toireadh e air Prionnsa Tearlach pòsadh a Ios agus nach rachadh as do na Stiubhartaich. Bha Tearlach anabarrach toileach so a dheanamh, ged a bha e nis leth cheud bliadhna's a h-aon a dh'aois Chaidh ■e os làimh gu Paris far an robh na cumhnantan-pòsaidh air an suidheachadh air a shon eadar e-fèin agus caileag òg, Louise à Stolberg, nighean Prionnsa Ghearmailtich, agus bhuineadh i air taobh a mathar do thaigh uasal Albannach 'Bhruis. Is 1 e an cuigeamh deug Louis a shuidhich am posadh so, le sùil—nam biodh oighre ann—gu'n cuireadh e 'fhathast dragh air righ Shasuinn. Ghabh an Cardineal York ris a' phòsadh, a ghabh àite aig Macerata, faisg air Ancona, air Dihaoine na Ceusda, 1772. Agus am beagan làthaithean an deigh so, Tàinig Tearlach agus a bhean òg—'gan sloinneadh fhèin mar Rìgh agus Bhan-rìgh Bhreatuinn, Eirinn, agus na Frainge,—an Roimhe ann an carbad ro-bhriagha air a tharraing le sea eich. Cha d'fhuair iad ach di-bheathtachas fuar o'n a' Phapa Pio an seathamh. Bha a' chàraid òg sona gu lèoir air son greis, agus bha a' chairdean am beachd gu'n robh Prionnsa Tearlach gu bhi 'na dhuine eile anns na h-.uile rathad, agus bha a' bhean òg, mhaiseach, ana­barrach measail am measg uaislean na Roimhe; [agus thug iad mar ainm oirre "Ban-Righ nan Abstol" o'n aite san robh i 'fuireach. Ach an ceann bhliadhna, ghabh Iarla agus Ban-iarla na h-Alba {na tiodalan a bh'aca an taobh muigh da'n cairdean fhèin) gràin do'n Phapa le cho mi-ghasda sa bha e 'dhoibh, dh'fhàs an dithisd sgith is mi-thoilichte leo fhèin an uair a chunnaic iad nach robh oighre gu bhi ann—an t-aon aobhar air son an do phòs iad; agus mar sin dh'fhag iad an Roimhe anns a'bhli-adhna 1774, agus chaidh iad gu Florentzia, ach bha iad fo dhi-mheas agus fo thàir, agus sin cuideachd bho'n teaghlaich Rioghail Thuscain Mu dheireadh, dh'fhàs am beatha cho mi-shona agus gu'n do dhealaich iad ri-cheile sa bhliadhna 1780.

Bha an Cardineal York a'fuireach 'sa Roimhe riamh, agus ged a' thàinig a leithid a' thubaistean agus mhi-fhortanan air a thaigh, bha e ro mheasail san Roimhe.

Bha Eanraig 'na Easbuig air Frascati, far am biodh e' fuireach gu math tric, agus, o'n a bha e na fhear-ionaid aig a' Phapa, bhiodh e mar bu tric 'na lùchairt àluinn, an Cancelleria 'sa Roimhe, an taigh a's briagha a thog am fear-deilbh thaighean ainmeil, Bramante, riamh. Bha Eanruig 'na Romhanach a rèir breith' agus 'na shagart Romhanach a rèir dreuchd, agus bha e' tighinn beò mar phrionnsa na h-Eaglaise, agus cha do ghabh e gnòthuch riamh ri cùisean caillte nan Stiubhartach. Mar sin, bha an Cardineal math fo trioblaid an uair a chuala e gu'm b'èiginn do Bhàn-iarla na h-Alba teicheadh gus an Roimhe o' fhoirneart is an-iochd Thearlaich, air dha a bhi fo'n mhisg. Fhuair i fasgadh anns a' Mhanachainn Ursulaich, an dearbh àite san d'fhuair mathair Thearlaich fasgadh roimhe. O'n a bha fios aig Eanraig Stiubhart cho miosa agus a bha a bhrathair agus cho an-iochdmhor 'sa bha e d'a mhnaoi, thug e-fèin a staigh i, agus thug e seomra­ichean briagha dhi anns a' Chancelleria, agus dh' fheuch e dhi na h-uile caoimheas. An uair a bha i 'fuireach an so, shin Vittorio Alfieri am bàrd ainmeil à Piedmont, seann suireach a bha aice, a' thighinn a choimhead oirre a h-uile latha, agus chaidh so air aghart airson greis, agus cha do smuainich an Cardineal gu'n robh dad dochair san dol-a-mach a bha aca. Ghabh am bàrd taigh ro-bhriagha air mal gus am biodh c ni's fhaisge air a leannan, Louise à Stolberg Dh'fhuirich i dà bhliadna anns A. Chan­celleria, agus tha e air a ràdh gur e so na bliadna-ichean bu shona a bha riamh aice; oir bha i cho mi-shona cho fada sa bha i comhla ri Tearlach Stiubhart.

Bha na h-uaislean Romhanach cho caoimheil rithe: bha i air cùram an duine chaoimh, ghasda, sin—Eanraig, agus cha d'rachadh i gu àite no gu cuirm sam bith gun Vittorio Alfieri, a fear-graidh ainmeil a bhi air a gairdean. Bha i gu tur sona a nis, ach cha b'fhad a mhair an sonas so. Ràinig e airde 'nuair a chluich Vittorio Alfieri anns a' bhron-chluiche cliuiteach sin Antigone aig lùchairt fear-ionaid na Spainne anns an Piazza di Spagna an deireadh na bliadhna 1782.

Ach thàinig crioch aithghearr air a' ghràdh iongantach a bha eadar bean Righ na h-Alba agus Iarla neonach Phiedmont—gaol a bha tarruing aire na Roimhe uile. Is ann mar so a thachair e, Chaidh Eanruig a' choimhead air a bhrathair o'n a chual e gu'n robh e ri h-uchd bàis.

An' uair a chunnaic an Cardineal na sgeulachdan feallsa a' dh'fheudadh èiridh, agus na cunnartan a bha, ma dh'fhaoidte, toinnte ann an dol-a-mach A. Vittorio is Luisaidh, thug e air a' Phapa Pio, am bàrd a thilgeadh a mach as an dùthaich agus thainig air sgriobhadair gradhach a' bhron-chluiche, an Roimhe agus a leannan, Psipsia (an t-ainm a bha aige-san oirre) 'fhagail air ball. Dh'fhuirich ise anns a' Chancelleria a' caoidh agus a' gul air son fir a graidh, agus is cinnteach gu'n robh i duilich nach do chaochail Prionnsa Tearlach; ach beagan an deigh so, fhuair i litir-dhealachaidh bho a fear. An uiread so mu dheighinn an dà thuras a dh'fhuirich Liusaidh à Stolberg anns an Eoimhe—a' cheud turas mar bhean Righ gun chrùn; agus an dara turas mar leannan a' bhaird ainmeil, a phòs i beagan ùine an deigh so.

An uair a chaochail Tearlach bochd 'san Fhaoiltich 1788 (mios a bha anabarrach mi-fhabh­arach is mi-fhortanach do na Stiubhartaich) thuit tiodalan falamh agus còirichean mi-fheumail air Cardineal York ; ach cha do ghabh e suim sam bith dhiubh. Thog e clach-chuimhne d'a bhrathair mi-shona, anns an eaglais aig Fraseati, agus chuir e mach cùinneadh-cuimhneachain leis an sgriobhadh dhuilich so air—"An Naoitheamh Eanraig tre ghràs Dè's cha b'ann tre thoil duine ". Is e duine ionraic a bha an Eanraig ach cha d'thug luchd-eachdraidh fathast an t-aite dligheach a bhuineas da.

Mu dheireadh thàinig aimsirean trioblaideach air an Roimhe, agus b'èiginn do'n t-seann duine am baile, a ghradhaich e cho mòr, fhagail agus fhuair, e e fèin 'na dhuine bochd, gun sgillinn, agus sin aig aois tri bliadhna diag is tri fichead. Ach cha b'e a choire fhèin a bha so ; bha e ro chòn an uair a bha am pailteas aige. Thug Righ Seoras ceithir mile punnd Sasunnach dha sa bhliadhna; agus bha e anabarrach taingeil airson a' chaoimh­neas so, leis am b'urrainn da na beagan bhliad-nachan, troimh an robh aige ri dhol, a chur seachad an sìth agus an comh-fhurtachd, agus mar so an crochadh air a' mhuinntir a chuir a theaghlach agus e fhèin as àite. Chaochail an t-oighre dligheach deireannach de thaigh nan Stiubhartach aig Fraseati anns am bliadhna 1807.

Na h-uiread so mu dheighinn nan Stiubhartach

'san Roimhe. A nis, rachamaid a choimhead air carragh bhreagha a thog Canova aig balla mu thuath Eaglais Naoimh Pheadair fagus do dhorus Capella de Loro far am bi mòran sluaigh a h-uile là a' domh-lachadh a dh'eisdeachd seinn coisir-chiùil a' Phapa. Air a' chloich bhreagh so (a bha air a togail an 1819 aig cosg Righ Seoras) is e an athair a bha air ain­meachadh mar Righ, ged tha luchd-eachdraidh gu cli a' cantuinn gu'm bheil Tearlach Iomhair is Eanraig air an ainmeachadh mar righrean cuideachd anns a' chuimhne sgriobhaidh. Ach tha na tri tiodalan, an Treas Rìgh Seumas, an Treas Rìgh Tearlach, agus an Naoitheamh Rìgh, sgriobte air tri soithichean beaga a tha air an gleidheadh an uamh an Eaglais Naoimh Pheadair; ach is e uair ainneamh a chi neach sam bith iad. Tha e glè ghasda 'fuireach an so car tiota anns an adhair làn tùise, a dh'eisdeachd na seinn bhreagha agus a 'beachd-smuaineacheadh air tharraing phearsanta a' mhi-fhortain agus mi-chomasan nam prionnsachan Stiubhartach, agus air gradh eagsamhuil an luchd-leanmhuinn dileas, a dhluth-lean na cuisean mi-fhortanach aca. Feumaidh sinn a dhol a shealltainn air uaigh Màiri Clementina bochd, 'tha beagan shlatan bho uaighibh a fir, agus a cuid mac. Is e uaigh bhreagha a tha so mar an ceudna. Is e dealbh na Ban-rìgh a th'air a' charragh. 'Se Bracchi a dhealbh a' chlach-chuimhne so aig cosg a' Phapa. Agus bho so thog Lady Mary Wortley Montagu droch-sgeul mòran bhliadhnachan an deigh sin air a' Phapa agus bean an treas Righ Seumas. O Mhairi Chlementina Stiubhairt bhochd! Bha i gun teagamh grad sa' nàdur, ach cha do laidh sgainneal riamh air a h-ainm gus an d'thug am boirionnach uasal so gu solus rùn-diomhair eigin a dh'fhag a beatha cho mi-shona agus cho truagh.

principles and politics

A NOTE OF PROTEST AND WARNING

When the enemies of the Gaelic movement—their name is legion, and they hail from Printing House Square to the confines of Appin--are at a loss for an epithet wherewith to stigmatise our cause, they think to clinch the matter, and to bring down shame and confusion upon our heads by character­ising our agitation as a " Separatist" movement.

Doubtless, it is in order to reassure those whose political sentiments are apt to be easily shocked that the Gaelic movement has been officially de­scribed as, politically, a colourless agitation. The idea seems to be that it is desirable to provide a platform on which " men of all parties " can meet; and to this pious aspiration, doubtless, we must ascribe the negative attitude of the movement in regard to contemporary politics. The position, as officially defined, is this, that whereas every worker in the Gaelic field is free to profess what politics he choose, the collective attitude of the movement towards " politics " must be purely negative.

Doubtless, at first sight, there is much to re­commend the seeming elementary wisdom of this regulation. It is plausible, and has a conciliatory aspect not ill calculated to satisfy, reassure and encourage those whose moral courage is not of a particularly high order; but it is based upon a fallacy nevertheless.

In the first place, whence springs this somewhat feverish desire on our part to pose as non-political ? Does it indicate the existence of a general wish to gather Whig and Tory, Conservative and Liberal to the Gaelic fold, upon the chosen line of least resist­ance to the conflicting interests of English party politics ; or does it spring from a noble desire so to raise the movement above the hustings that no man can justly lay the charge of political bias at our door ? In either case, I venture to think, we are in danger of courting defeat by means of a fallacy.

" Politics," as commonly understood in Scotland and Ireland, are primarily English party concerns. You may call them "British," if you are a Bore-stone patriot, and are not so much particular as amiably credulous and gullible in the matter of your political beliefs; but English, for all intents and purposes, they assuredly will remain. To ex­clude such " politics," therefore, from our concerns, seems not only a sane and patriotic proceeding, but the only logical one under the circumstances. What, however, is neither patriotic, nor sane, nor yet logical is, that whilst the movement, collectively, abstains, the individual Gael is not discouraged from being, and from continuing, an English party politician. If the Gaelic movement, through its accredited mouthpieces, were to rise up and say " we have no politics of our own : our race was ever a hewer of wood and a drawer of water for others," it could not say the thing which is not in more positive terms than it now tacitly admits the soft impeachment underlying my hypothetical utter­ance by describing itself as politically colourless.

What is the object of this movement of ours ? Is it merely to encourage people to speak Gaelic, to foster dancing and music, and to take a platonic interest in folk-lore ì That is not the way nation? are revived, however respectable in themselves those objects may be. Rather, the business of the Gaelic movement, as I, a humble private soldier in the ranks,


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understand it, should be to reconstruct two decay­ing nationalities, through the medium of their most valuable and characteristic national possession, which is their language. To commit the movement to a non-political programme, hampers and dis­courages it in more ways than one; but in no re­spect, I venture to think, does this kind of total abstinence operate more injuriously than it does in respect to the essential principle of our agitation, which, whether we recognise it or not, is National­ism. Nationalism must out, if we are to achieve more than a passing success. The Gilbertian maxim that every one born of woman throughout these islands comes into the world merely to pass beneath one or other of the English political yokes must, so far as we are concerned, be proved not to exist. Whether we have regard to "historical continuity" or, neglecting the lesson conveyed by a knowledge of the political aims underlying previous Gaelic movements—for in this matter, as in many others, we are but the children of those who have preceded us—we look solely to the dangers presently confront­ing us, it is obvious that if those dangers are to be overcome, and the Scot is to rise again, we must be politicians ; we must be Nationalists in deed as well as in principle and in theory. We have as much need, I venture to think, for revival in respect to Gaelic politics, as we have necessity for the same thing in regard to the national language. All the agitation in the world will not save the Gaelic language for the Gael, if it is not accompanied with commensurate political action. Self-government is essential to our success as language upholders. It J is the only thing that can prevent our gradual ex­tinction as a race.

A. MacD.

lochran an anmaIs minic a tha Goill, agus Sasunnaich a' tilgeadh oirnne nach 'eil " Litreachas," mar a their iad, againn an Gàidhlig. Ged nach 'eil so fior, tha rud-eigin de'n fhirinn anns a' chùis-dhitidh. Ach, tha daoine gasda 'fiachainn ris a' chulaidh-nàire so a leasachadh a h-uile latha. Thàinig dusgadh Bapr air a' Ghàidhealtachd, agus gu sònruichte air Eirinn o chionn car bhliadhnachan anns an t-seadh so; air chor agus gu'm bheil " Ath-breith" na Gàidhlig iomraideach air feadh an t-saoghail gu lèir. Cha'n fhaodar a ràdh t-uile nach 'eil cùis nan Gàidheal ainmeil anns gach cainnt a tha fo'n ghrèin.

Tha a' Gàidhlig a nis ga h-ionnsachadh an sgoiltean na dùthcha. Tha duaisean briagha 'gan tairgse airson sgoilearachd. Tha " Oifig an Fhog-luim" an Lunainn ag aidmheil na Gàidhlig, mar chànainean eile na Roinn Eòrpa. Agus, anns a chùis so, tha an Oifig cheudna a' brosnachadh sgoilearan, agus a' toirt cliù mhòir do dh' Fhaclair 1

vàn Athar Eoghan Mac Eachainn, gur h-e leabhar is fheàrr is urrainn dhaibh a oideachadh gu eòlas pongail fhaotainn air cainnt nam beann nan gleann agus nan gaisgeach.

Cha 'n 'eil fuath agam do'n Bheurla, oir is beag a tha i am beul gach duine, ach o'n is taitneiche leam a' Ghàidhlig i bhi far gun dol an lughad, tha ;mi an diugh a' toirt brath gu'm bheil leabhar ùr air a chuir a mach le Sands sa Chuideachd an Dùneidean; agus is e so Lòchran an Anma.

So agad, a Mhic chridhe! leabhar-ùrnaigh cho

1 Lòchran an Anma, Leabhar-ùrnaigh Caitliceach. Sands sa Ohuidheachd, 21 Sràid Anobhair, Dùneideann, 1906.

grinn agus a chaidh a chuir a mach riamh airson Caitliceaich Ghàidhealach na h-Alba. Agus bha, gu dearbh, feum mòr air a' chlò - bhualadh so. Cha'n fhaigheadh an Albainn o chionn dòrlach bhliadhnachan leabhar-ùrnaigh Caitliceach airson airgid no òir. Bha e mar fhiachaibh air cuid de'n Chlèir fios a chur a nun do Chanada airson leabh-aireachan-ùrnaigh Caitliceach. Mo nàire ort a Mhathair! Eaglais Ghàidhealach Chaitliceach na h-Alba 'nuair a dh'fheum thu cobhair fhaotainn o Eaglais Ghàidhealach Chaitliceach Chanada! Bha gainne mhòr air an dùthaich anns an t-seòl so. Anns gach aite san racainn, is i a' chiad cheist a churadh orm, "Caite am faigh mi leabhar-ùrnaigh Gàidhlig?"

Chaidh so a leasachadh a nis, agus is math an airidh esan a chuir a mach an leabhar so air taing agus buidheachas nan creideach gu lèir, air feadh na Gàidhealtachd. Cha'n 'eil air an leabhar ach aon choire : is e sin, a lughad's h-ann dheth. Ach, tha a' phris a rèir so. Cha'n 'eil e ach Sia sgillinn. Agus, mar a thuairt seann duine riumsa an là-roimhe, " cha b'fheàrr a nasgaidh e !"

Cliù agus moladh dhasan, mata, a chuir a làmh ris an obair so, a tha cho làn toillteanas; agus mur a faigh e duas a bhos airson a shaothair, gheibh e thall e. Cha'n urrainn dhasan a ràdh, mar bu chòir do dh'fheadhainn eile. "Dh'fhàg sinn gun deanadh na nithe sin a bu choir dhuinn a dhean­amh. Agus rinn sinn na nithe sin nach bu chòir dhuinn a dheanamh ; agus cha'n 'eil slàinte ann­ainn."

Buaidh agus piseach air, mata ; agus gu'm bu fada beo e, agus ceò as a thaigh ! Tha mi an earbsa gu'm bith soirbheachadh air an leabhar, agus gu'm bith clò-bhualadh eile agus eile air a ghairm ann an ùine ghoirid. Faodaidh mi a ràdh, san dol seachad, gu'm bheil an duin-uasal ceudna, fìor Charaid nan Gàidheal, trang a chur an òrdugh clò-bhualadh eile ris an cannar An Cath Spioradail a chaidh a chur gu Gàidhlig leis an Athair Eoghan Mac Eachainn nach maireann. Prosit projiciatque I

GiLLEASPUiG Mac Dhòmhnuill Mhic Eoghain.
faith and languageThis little book, which is from the pen of the editor of the Vèritè of Quebec, should prove interesting reaoing to Scotsmen. Its theme is the French language in Canada, and its object the preservation of the nationality of French Canadians through the medium of their own tongue. Incidentally, it shows the intimate connexion between Faith and Language—a subject which is of peculiar interest to the Catholic Gael of Scotland, who, also, has a double duty to perform in this respect.

M. Tardival's remarks should be read in con­junction with M. Andre Siegfried's Le Canada, a work recently issued from the press. The latter is a Frenchman whose attitude towards the Catholic Church in Canada leaves a good deal to be desired, yet he is candid enough to admit that were it not for Catholicism, and its consistent policy of main­taining the French language, the French element would long ago have been swallowed up and its tongue have become almost extinct.

The French position in Canada is not unlike that of our co-religionists in the same country, al-

1

1 La Langue Francaise au Canada, par J. P. Tardival. La Compagnie de Publication de la Revue Canadienne. Montreal, 1906.

grinn agus a chaidh a chuir a mach riamh airson Caitliceaich Ghàidhealach na h-Alba. Agus bha, gu dearbh, feum mòr air a' chlò - bhualadh so. Cha'n fhaigheadh an Albainn o chionn dòrlach bhliadhnachan leabhar-ùrnaigh Caitliceach airson airgid no òir. Bha e mar fhiachaibh air cuid de'n Chlèir fios a chur a nun do Chanada airson leabh-aireachan-ùrnaigh Caitliceach. Mo nàire ort a Mhathair! Eaglais Ghàidhealach Chaitliceach na h-Alba 'nuair a dh'fheum thu cobhair fhaotainn o Eaglais Ghàidhealach Chaitliceach Chanada! Bha gainne mhòr air an dùthaich anns an t-seòl so. Anns gach aite san racainn, is i a' chiad cheist a churadh orm, " Caite am faigh mi leabhar-ùrnaigh Gàidhlig?"

Chaidh so a leasachadh a nis, agus is math an airidh esan a chuir a mach an leabhar so air taing agus buidheachas nan creideach gu lèir, air feadh na Gàidhealtachd. Cha'n 'eil air an leabhar ach aon choire : is e sin, a lughad 's h-ann dheth. Ach, tha a' phris a rèir so. Cha'n 'eil e ach Sia sgillinn. Agus, mar a thuairt seann duine riumsa an là-roimhe, " cha b'fheàrr a nasgaidh e !"

Cliù agus moladh dhasan, mata, a chuir a làmh ris an obair so, a tha cho làn toillteanas ; agus mur a faigh e duas a bhos airson a shaothair, gheibh e thall e. Cha'n urrainn dhasan a ràdh, mar bu chòir do dh'fheadhainn eile. "Dh'fhàg sinn gun deanadh na nithe sin a bu choir dhuinn a dhean­amh. Agus rinn sinn na nithe sin nach bu chòn dhuinn a dheanamh ; agus cha'n 'eil slàinte ann­ainn."

Buaidh agus piseach air, mata ; agus gu'm bu fada beo e, agus ceò as a thaigh ! Tha mi an earbsa gu'm bith soirbheachadh air an leabhar, agus gu'm bith clò-bhualadh eile agus eile air a ghairm ann an ùine ghoirid. Faodaidh mi a ràdh, san dol seachad, gu'm bheil an duin-uasal ceudna, fìor Charaid nan Gàidheal, trang a chur an òrdugh clò-bhualadh eile ris an cannar An Cath Spioradail a chaidh a chur gu Gàidhlig leis an Athair Eoghan Mac Eachainn nach maireann. Prosit projlciatque !

GiLLEASPUiG Mac Dhòmhnuill Mhic Eoghain.
faith and languageThis little book, which is from the pen of the editor of the Vèritè of Quebec, should prove interesting reading to Scotsmen. Its theme is the French language in Canada, and its object the preservation of the nationality of French Canadians through the medium of their own tongue. Incidentally, it shows the intimate connexion between Faith and Language—a subject which is of peculiar interest to the Catholic Gael of Scotland, who, also, has a double duty to perform in this respect.

M. Tardival's remarks should be read in con­junction with M. Andre Siegfried's Le Canada, a work recently issued from the press. The latter is a Frenchman whose attitude towards the Catholic Church in Canada leaves a good deal to be desired, yet he is candid enough to admit that were it not for Catholicism, and its consistent policy of main­taining the French language, the French element would long ago have been swallowed up and its tongue have become almost extinct.

The French position in Canada is not unlike that of our co-religionists in the same country, al-

1

1 La Langue Franqaise au Canada, par J. P. Tardival. La Compagnie de Publication de la Revue Canadienne. Montreal, 1906.

though, of course, the number of Gaelic-speaking Scots is a mere handful compared with the large French-speaking population. Both, however, are face to face with influences which cannot be de­scribed otherwise than as hostile ; and it behoves both to be up and doing if they wish to preserve their threatened nationality. M. Siegfried is, from the French standpoint, somewhat of a pessimist. He sees no prospect that the French element will ever become dominant in Canada, in spite of the high birth-rate of the habitant, and the immense political power wielded by French Canadians. No doubt, the fact that Canada is an appanage of the English Crown, instead of a French possession, is an important circumstance which must be taken into full account in attempting any prognostication as to that country's political future. The isolation, as it were, of the French element in Canada, is, it must be admitted, a circumstance highly unfavour­able to the realisation of any political dreams which may be based upon a consciousness of its existing power. On the other hand, M. Siegfried, who seems to be a fairly accurate observer, as globe­trotters go, is no less pessimistic from the English point of view. He thinks little of the " Imperialist movement," which he regards as a vain attempt to stem the tide of events. The " heroic age " of that movement he regards as already overpast. It be­gan about the period of the jubilee of 1897, and reached its height at the time of the sending of a Canadian contingent to South Africa. His Canadian horoscope winds up with the statement to the effect that "permeation," not conquest, is Canada's ultimate fate the permeation to be un­dertaken and accomplished by Jonathan of the Stars and Stripes, of course ; and really looking to the immense tide of immigration now sweeping over the great North-West from the United States, M. Siegfried's prophecy has at all events the merit of plausibility.

If hard times are in store for the French element in Canada, the superficial observer should surely neither have hesitation nor difficulty in prophesy­ing a very plethora of adversities for the little Gaelic colony in Nova Scotia. But, great as the odds appear to be against our language surviving indefinitely in that part of the world, the extra­ordinary vitality which characterises the Gaelic, where once it has obtained foothold, joined to the well-known "grit" and patriotism of the average Scots colonist, should render even the most besotted advocate of "painting the map red" somewhat less profuse in his music-hall prophecies than he is accustomed to be. Gaelic readers of our pages will have observed with pride and satis­faction the many marks of the Scottish Canadians' love of language and country which we have been the humble means of affording them. The Gaelic movement has crossed the seas, and bids fair to become as flourishing a growth in the land of the maple as it is in that of the heather. It is obvious that the more the movement succeeds here, the more likely is it to find friends and imitators in Canada. Moreover, the instinct of race-preserva­tion is not confined to any particular country or hemisphere; and nothing is more calculated to call into action the latent forces underlying that senti­ment than the consciousness of the fact that ab­sorption and ultimate extinction must inevitably be the fate of those who fail to respond to its demands. The fact that the Gaelic colonies in Canada are threatened, on the one hand by John

Bull and on the other by Jonathan, should supply that incentive to the struggle for racial existence which the imminence of such a catastrophe as we have referred to above is, of all spurs, the best calculated to call forth. A hopeful factor in the situation, from the Gaelic point of view, though we are bound to confess that the fact itself is not one which we can view without apprehension and dis­may, is the constant accessions which the Gaelic forces in Canada are receiving owing to the stream of emigration from the Gàidhealtachd. This should serve to put new life and blood into the Gaelic movement in Canada; and inasmuch as it is notorious that those who elect to leave our shores are of the best that the land of heroes can produce, we look to the Canadian immigrants, no less than to the descendants of those who have gone before, to hold the fort in the interests of nationality and language until such times, at all events, as the Gaelic ship comes home, and the Gael enjoys his own again.

With regard to our co-religionists in Canada, who are flesh of our flesh and blood of our blood, their policy for the immediate future is plain. They should cultivate cordial relations with the French Canadians, who are, obviously, in the same boat with us in respect to faith and language. This is an age of entente cordiales, as a means of adjusting differences, solving awkward political questions, and supplying that " moral" support which peoples find grateful and comforting in respect of their international relations. An understanding and an amity of the kind we indicate and advocate would, we feel sure, result in nothing but good to both parties. The Canadian Catholic Gael and the French Canadian have necessarily much in common;

both are of the household of the Faith ; both cling tenaciously to language and nationality; both are immutably attached to those principles of liberty and freedom which the Gael, at home and abroad, has done so much to propagate. Not to come to­gether, under these circumstances, in defence of principles which both races hold so dear to them must seem not only a regrettable waste of op­portunities and resources with which Providence has bountifully supplied them, but—we write under correction, of course, and with a due sense of the distance which separates us—almost a flying in the face of that veiy Providence itself. At all events, no one can deny that nothing is to be gained by holding aloof, and by allowing the forces of Anglici-sation and Americanisation undisputed possession of the field. To be crushed between the upper and the nether grindstone is not a fate which either Gael or Frenchman can afford to contemplate with equanimity; and such a fate must, we believe, inevitably overtake both, if common measures to avert it are not speedily concerted. The Canadian continent is a vast one—how vast, some of us, perhaps, are slow to realise -and in a country so gigantic, and whose resources are so numerous and varied, we see no reason, provided the necessary precautions be seasonably taken, why living room should not be found for all and sundry. As Gaels, we have certainly no desire to see Canada all "British," which, stripped of that simple disguise, simply means, all English. We believe in the national destiny of our race; in " Scotland a nation"—not a province; and the creed which would assign our people a purely subordinate position in all time coming, limiting our national development to the everlasting superiority—we use the word in its purely feudal sense—of the Pre­dominant Partner, is none of our making and none of our asking. On the contrary, so long as there remains a sixpence in our war chest, it will encoun­ter our most determined and inveterate hostility.

It it curious to observe, by M. Tardival's in­structive pages, that the French language in Canada runs the same risk of infection and vulgarisation through the channel of English words, phrases and idioms, as our own does by reason of similar in­fluences. " La grande tache qui dèpare la langue francaise en Amèrique," says our author, " c'est l'anglicisme." M. Tardival gives a list of some of these corruptions, which read disagreeably like some with which, alas! we in this country are all too familiar.1 We feel we cannot do better than reproduce M. Tardival's remarks on this subject, thereby bringing these few observations to a close :—

" Dans le langage technique, du commerce et de l'industrie, nous employons, il est vrai, une foule de mots anglais, pour la raison bien simple que nous ignorons souvent les termes francais. C'est regrettable, mais enfin le danger pour la langue litteraire n'est pas là. Ce danger, il se trouve, je le rèpète, dans l'anglicisme, qui peut se dèfìnir ainsi: 1'emploi de mots francais, auxquels on donne un sens propre à des mots semblables de la langue anglaise, ou une tournure anglaise. Quelques ex-emples feront mieux saisir cette definition. Ainsi,

1 A similar blight is attacking the purity and vigour of the Scotch language in Canada. A correspondent, a Priest, gives us a few samples of these vulgarisms and corruptions. "Phuair mi Communion," and other absurdities, were amongst the number. It behoves us all to follow the excellent advice recently tendered by Major Matheson of the Lewes, who, at a Gaelic meeting, made an eloquent and powerful plea for purity and •correctness of diction.

nous entendons dire ou nous lisons dans les jour-naux, à chaque instant: Un tel a fait application pour tel emploi. Le mot application est parfaite-ment francais, mais il n'a pas le sens de demande. On fait Yapplication d'un principe, quelquefois ; on fait aussi et plus souvent l'application d'un cata-plasme. Mais dire : ' faire application pour un emploi,' c'est parler en anglais avec des mots francais.

" II en est de mème de faire apologie pour faire des excuses; ne vous donnez pas ce trouble, au lieu de cette peine; rèaliser pour se rendre compte de. ' Nous ne rèalìsons pas bien notre position,' voilà une expression qu'emploient souvent des person-nes d'ailleurs très instruites. C'est de l'anglais. Rèaliser veut dire rendre reel. On realise une fortune, des espèrances se rèalisent; mais on ne saurait rèaliser une position.

"' Vous prenez exception à ce que j'ai dit,' voilà comment, il y a quelques annèes, un homme très haut place commencait une lettre adressèe à la Vèritè. Toujours de l'anglais : You take exception to what I have said. L'expression francaise serait: Vous n'admettez pas ce que j'ai dit, ou quelque chose de semblable. De mème : Ceux qui objectent à l'envoi d'un contingent, n'est pas francais, non plus. Objec.ter est toujours verbe actif; on objecte une difficulte' à une proposition, on objecte que, mais on ne saurait dire: ceux qui objectent à—Those who object to—C'est ceux qui sopposent à qu'il faut dire.

" Defalcation, dèfalcataire, pour dètournement de fonds, concussionnaire, anglicismes; renverser un jugement pour annuler, casser un jugement, angli-cisme ; j'occupe un logement de sept appartemenls, au lieu de pieces ou chambres, anglicisme; on en­tretient des craintes, des inquietudes à tel sujet, au lieu de: on a des craintes, des inquietudes, angli-cisme ; je vous introduis M. Un tel, pour je vous prèsente, anglicisme.

" Anglicisme aussi la phrase suivante ; Je com-prends que vous allez partir-demain, au lieu de j'apprends ou j'ai appris: et celle-ci: je le nie emphatiquement—emphatiquement se prend toujours en mauvaise part et signifie avec emphase, et non point avecènergie ouformellement,com.me beaucoup semblent le croire. Des argents—monies—pour sommes à" argent, ou de I 'argent; contracteur, pour entrepreneur; or solide, pour or massif; instruction compulsoire, pour obligatoire; supporter xm candidat ou une candidature, pour appuyer: autant d'angli-cismes. Au Palais lègislatif, nos Solons ont leurs anglicismes particuliers, auxquels ils tiennent avec une tènacitè qu'ils n'auraient peut-ètre pas, s'il s'agissait de maintenir un veritable privilege. En voice quelques-uns. Prendre le sens de la Chambre, pour la consulter. A cet Stage de la discussion, ou du bill, pour phase.

" Service civil, employe civil, pour administration, employe" de I'administration. Les Canadiens-fran-cais entendent les deputes anglais dire clerical error; et ils se croient obliges, libèraux comme conserva-teurs, de protester, eux aussi, contre les erreurs clèricales. Ne croyez pas que le radicalisme francais nous menace, à cause de ces protestations frèquentes contre les erreurs clèricales. II s'agit simplement d'erreurs de redaction ou de copiste. Moi pour un, traduction servile de l'anglais : / for one, veut dire, dans la pensèe de ces messieui's : Pour ma part, ou Quant à moi. Je concours dans les observations de l'honorable depute; la Chambre n'a pas concouru dans ce rapport. Ne vous imaginez pas qu'il s'agisse de cooperation. On essaie seulement de traduire le mot anglais to concur. II serait pourtant si facile de dire: ]'abonde dans tel sens; la Chambre n'a pas adopts le rapport. Puis, en notre langage parlementaire: incorporer une compagnie ne veut pas dire, selon le sens veritable du mot, l'unir à une autre compagnie, mais lui donner la person-nalitè civile. Signalons enfin le plus ètonnant peutètre des anglicismes qu'on entende au palais lègislatif et qui est reserve pour-les grandes circon-stances : Fai le plancher—/ have the floor—pour fai la parole! Je pourrais allonger, et allonger encore la liste des anglicismes qui ont envahi le langage de nos hommes instruits, mais je crois vous en avoir assez signalè pour vous convaincre que le danger est reel. Oui, le danger existe et le danger est d'autant plus grand que le mal ne semble pas vouloir cèder facilement aux remèdes qu'on a tentè d'y appliquer. Voilà trente ans, peut-ètre da vant­age, que quelques zèlès font la guerre aux anglicis­mes ; et nos journaux n'en son tils pas encore tout hèrissès ? On peut se demander si un seul a disparu. Toutefois, il ne faut pas dèposer les armes. La reaction finira par se produire.

" Un autre mal qu'il faut signaler, parce qu'il se propage rapidement parmi nous, c'est une mauvaise prononciation de la lettre a. Cette faute, d'origine relativement rècente, est d'autant plus à craindre que ceux, et encore davantage celles qui la com-mettent, s'imaginent, très sincèrement, parler avec une elegance peu ordinaire. Lorsque M. l'abbè P. Lagacè a publiè son Cours de Lecture à haute wix, en 1875, il paraìt que 'nous faisions graves la plupart des a aigus, et trop graves ceux qui doi-vent l'ètre'. Le savant professeur ne dirait plus cela aujourd'hui, je crois. Sans doute, nous faisons


graves un certain nombre d'a aigus. Plusieurs des nòtres disent encore très souvent deux heures et un quart—pour ma part, etc., presque quort, port, tout comme on prononce encore aux environs de Saint-Malo. Je connais mème un compatriote— très instruit du reste—qui n'a pu se faire com-prendre d'un sergent de ville parisien, parce qu'il persistait à lui demander où se trouvait la gàre Sdlxit-Lazàre. Cette mauvaise prononciation, nèan-moins, il fait plaisir de le constater, tend à dis-paraìtre. Mais en voulant rèagir contre ce dèfaut, plusieurs tombent dans l'extrème oppose ; et, croy-ant parler à la parisienne, Us reproduisent en rèalitè une faute propre, par exemple, à la Picardie, donnant un a aigu et très bref là où il faut de toute nècessitè un à grave et long. Ainsi, ils disent nation, education, popidation, demonstration, vocation, agglomeration, etc.; tandis que la veritable pronon­ciation francaise est nation, education, population, vocation, etc. Tu a devant Hon—de mème que Yo— est toujours grave et long. Ceux qui croient qu'en prononcant àtion, ils parlent à Iu parisienne se trompent ètrangement. Ce petit son maigre et affectè est très disgracieux et doit ètre èvitè avec soin. Les garcons de cafe et les cochers de Paris prononcent peut-ètre tout en a aigu : les Parisiens instruits toutefois mettent un a grave et long là où il en faut un. Ils ne diraient pas plus la nation francaise, que ma part; mais invariablement: la nation francaise, et ma part. Si vous ne m'en croyez pas, ècoutez avec attention M. le consul general de France la premiere fois que vous aurez ì'occasion de l'entendre parler."

bogadh nan gad

Tha ri fhaicinn aig an àm so agus air feadh an t-saoghail gu lèir gluasad mòr, a thachair oirnn an lorg a' chogaidh a chaidh a chur o chionn beagan ùine eadar Euisia agus Iapan. Gu h-àraid, tha so gu tur soilleir a thaobh nan cinneach a tha 'gabhail còmhnaidh san Aird-an-ear. Faodar a ràdh nach robh iad ach mar luchd-aisling, bàite gu buileach an suain a' bhais, mar gu'm b'eadh, fad mòran bhliadhnaichean. Ach, an deigh do na chath a bhi thairis, chaidh an cuid aisling mu sgaoil, agus dhùisg iad a suas a ris. Chaidh, mar an ceudna mòran smuaintean briagach aosmhor a bha aca mu sgaoil; agus dh'ionnsaich muinntir na h-Aird-an-ear nach 'eil luchd-àiteachaidh na Roinn Eòrpa cho làidir agus cho tapaidh agus a bha iad deonach gu bhi " air paipeir," mar a their na Sasunnaich.

Tha a' bhuil sin orra. Is iomadh dùthaich an Asia a tha a nis fo bhruaillean mòr, agus mu'm bheil e freagarrach is comasach a ràdh, nach 'eil i umhal agus iosal 'na sùilibh fèin ni's mò. An India, an Sina, agus eadhon anns an Eiphit, chi sinn gu'm bheil an luchd-còmhnaidh a' togail an guth, agus a' feòraich d'a chèile carson nach biodh an stiùireadh air an gnothaichean fein 'nan làmhan fèin % "Is lèir dhuinn (their iad), nach 'eil muinntir na Roinn Eòrpa cho làidir agus a tha iad cho ro dhèidheil gu bhi an sùilibh fein agus an sùilibh an t-saoghail gu lèir. Thug na h-Iapanaich buaidh gu buileach air na Ruisianaich—rud nach bu choir, agus nach b'urrainn dhoibh a dheanamh, a rèir beachd mòran sluaigh. Agus ma is ann mar sin a tha e, car son nach biodh e comasach dhuinn ar saorsa fèin fhao­tainn an ùine ghoirid. Feuchaidh sinn ris, co dhiù."

Gu h-araid an India agus anns an Eiphit, tha luchd-muinntir nan dùthchannan ud a' feuchainn ri bogadh nan gad. Tha na paipearan-naigheachd làn de sgeulan tuirseach mu'n fhear so no mu'n tè ud ris nach gabhadh na Sasunnaich (a rèir coltais) air sgath an cànain " cheannairceich ". O chionn beagan ùine, chaidh Mòr-Roinn Bhengall air a roinn aig iarrtas Ard-Rìaghladh na dùthcha, agus chuir so dèisinn nach bu bheag air mòran sluaigh air feadh India, ged nach robh e 'na chulaidh diomb do na h-uile h-aon. Coma co dhiù, air ball ghabh luchdgearain na dùthcha làn greim air, ionnus agus gu'm bheil e a nis ro dhuilich a ràdh cait' am bi crioch air an gnothach mhi-fhortanach sin.

Ach tha e soilleir nach 'eil so uile—na tubaistean an India agus an an-shocair anns an Eiphit—ach mar chomharraidhean a thinnis mhòir sin a bhuail riaghladh nan Sasunnach a cheana anns na dùth­channan ud, agus a tha dol 'ga bhualadh gu làr. Thuirt duine ainmeil, Gearmailteach, o chionn beagan ùine, agus esan a' cur an cèill nan smuaintean a bha aige mu'n chùis so, gu'n robh riaghladh nan Sasun­nach an India agus anns an Eiphit a dol a dhìth, a chionn agus nach robh "cumhachd riaghlaidh" aca ni 's mò. Thuirt an duine ceudna gu'n tig saorsa air muinntir Asia agus Africa mu'n tèid sgrios gu buileach air an Iompaireachd sin mu'm bheil e air a ràdh nach 'eil a' ghrian idir dol fodha air. Their an t-Ollamh, "tha mi làn chinnteach gu'm bi e mòran ni's duilghe do Shasunn, do'n Fhraing, agus do Ruisia an cumhachd a tha aca an Asia a chumail suas anns na bliadhnaichean a tha ri teachd, na tha e a nis, do bhrìgh agus gu'm bheil na cinnich ud fo bhrosnachadh agus an-shocair mhòir an lorg na buaidhe a thug na h-Iapanaich air Ruisia. Tha na Sasunnaich a' deanamh fochaid air Benarjee, agus owa-san leis an deachaidh a chrùnadh o chionn ghoirid mar " Rìgh Bhengal" ; ach is e mo bheachd­sa gu'm bi fìor Rìgh dùthchasach air India an taobh a staigh àl no dhà."

A thaobh Africa, tha an t-Ollamh cinnteach gu'm bi caochlaidhean mòra ann an ùine ghoirid. " Sluigidh Comh'Islamachd a suas Africa mu thuath, à Timbuctoo san àird-an-ear eadhon gus an Sudan anns an àird-an-iar. Gheibh na cinnich dhubha an saorsa fèin as làmhan nan cinneach geala; agus an Africa a chinn a deas, gheibh na Boerich làmh-an-uachdar air na Sasunnaich."

A thaobh America, tha an t-Ollamh am beachd gu'm bi na Anglo-Saxons air an slugadh suas le cinneach eile; agus, a deir esan, " thèid mu sgaol an aonachd a tha aice a nis, agus tarraingear America gu dorus gnothaichean Stàideil na Roinn Eòrpa."

A thaobh na Roinn Eòrpa fèin, faodar a ràdh nach 'eil an t-Ollamh cho cinnteach agus a tha e mu stèidhean eile. Gidheadh, tha e am beachd gu'n d'thig caochlaidhean mòra air an Tuirc an ceann beagan bhliadhnaichean, agus nach gabh sin àite gun chomhstri agus gun sgrios ro mhòr. "Tha mi làn chinnteach (deir an t-Ollamh Schiemann), gu'm faigh Fèin-Dùthasachd ceannas air feadh na Roinn Eòrpa ùir, agus gu'm bheil sinn dol a dh'fhaicinn ath-bhrèith mhòr de ghnothaichean dùthasach air feadh an t-saoghail gu lèir.

A rèir an Ollaimh so, is e dìth air " cumhachd riaghlaidh " a bhitheas aig bonn nan caochlaidhean mòra so ; ach, 'nar beachd-ne, cha'n ann idir mar sin a tha e, no a bhitheas. Is e ar barail fèin gu'm bi a' chùis mar so co dhiù a tha an " cumhachd riagh­laidh" aig muinntir na Roinn Eòrpa no nach bi. Is e sin ri ràdh, cha'n 'eil sinn a' sealltainn air na


cinnich ud mar luchd-eisimeil do mhuinntir na Roinn Eòrpa a mhàin, ach mar chinnich air leth, aig a' bheil dòchas is miannan nach b'urrainn a bhith air an deanamh rèidh ris na tha luchd-muinntir na Roinn Eòrpa a' toirt orra mar ghlèidheadh nan gad. Cha'n 'eil sinn a' creidsinn gu'm bi na cinnich so— luchd-muinntir Asia is Africa, agus dhùthchannan eile—daonnan fo smachd dhiubhsan leis an deach­aidh an ceannsachadh anns na làithean a dh'aom. Tha iad air an cinneadh suas. Dh' ionnsaich iad mòran nithean o'n a chaidh an ceannsachadh o shean. Am bitheantas, fhuair mòran diubh àrach anns na colaisdean a's feàrr a tha an Roinn Eòrpa air fad; agus air dhoibh pilltinn air an n-ais do dh'Asia, is tric a tha iad a' deanamh stri le chèile a Ios bogadh nan gad. Chuir iad an cinn am beul an leòghainn; agus, o'n is daoine tapaidh faicilleach iad, is lèir dhoibh nach 'eil an t-uile-bheist sin cho eagalach agus a bu choir dha ma tha sinn 'toirt fainear ris na tha do ghnàth tighinn a mach uaith. Mar so, is furasda a thuigsinn nach 'eil a' chuid a's mò d'ar n-aoidhean gu tur toilichte ris na tha iad a' faicinn agus a' cluinntinn anns an dùthaich so agus air tir-mhor na Roinn Eòrpa. Chi iad an dùthaich fèin air a riaghladh le daoine eadar fhèin-chuimseach agus aineolach; agus tha sin a' cur diomb nach beag orra. Feòrachaidh iad d'a chèile, "car son nach biodh riaghladh ar dùthcha fèin 'nar làmhan fèin ? An t-aon Dia a thug seachad an dùthaich sin dhoibh-san a tha 'ga sealbhachadh, is Esan an Ti a bhuilich oirnn an dùthaich a tha againn, mar an ceudna. Car son, mata, mach biodh làn shealbh againn oirre ? Tamall beag agus bha sinn mar leanabanan laga, reasgach, gun chòrdadh sam bith eadarainn fèin, agus tur aineolach; ach, a nis, dh'ionnsaich sinn mòran nithean. Cha'n 'eil sinn mar chinneadh borba ceannlaidir, ni's mò. Thug sin an Roinn Eòrpa oirnn, agus fhuair sinn ar n-àrach anns na colaisdean a's feàrr a tha air aghaidh an t-saoghail. Deanaibh ruinn, mata, mar a dh'ionnsaich sibh dhuinn, gu'm bu choir gu'n deanadh sinn do gach neach eile, agus thoiribh ar dùthaich air a h-ais, oir gabhaibh toradh bhur deanadais."

Gu dearbh, cha'n e dith cumhachd, ach foghluim, a tha bogadh nan gad air feadh an t-saoghail gu lèir.
at the back of the wind

With this number of Guth na Bliadhna we bring to an end our third year of existence—no mean performance if we consider the high rate of mortality which obtains amongst Gaelic periodi­cals owing to want of education amongst our people. And it is in no pessimistic frame of mind that we contemplate the advent of our fourth year's labours. Looking back over the days that have gone, we are free to confess that the Gaelic movement has made undoubted pro­gress since we published our first number, and that our prospects, if not gilt-edged, are at all events distinctly encouraging. During the time that we have been in existence, we have done our best to stand for Faith and Country; and any shortcom­ings and imperfections which may justly be laid at our door, we beg to be absolved from, so that, so far as our cause is concerned, we may begin our fourth year with the now traditional "clean slate ".

We have no sensational announcements to make as regards the immediate future. This periodical will continue to be "run" on "lines" and principles which, we trust, are already suffici­ently familiar to the public, and which have secured for us the suffrages of a large and influential body of our fellow-countrymen at home and abroad. Our aim is to be "thorough" in all things. The following, from the pages of a recent number of the Dundee Advertiser, emboldens us to hope that we have not been unmindful of our professions: "There are over a hundred Highland and Cian Societies, each doing good work in its way ; but until recently no real attempt had been made to bring about a coalescent state—light and leading has hitherto been sadly wanting. All that, how­ever, is now in a fair way of being changed. The editor of Guth na Bliadhna has enlisted in the service of the cause a body of contributors of marked ability, who are doing yeoman service in forming public opinion. The knotty points of the problems which the Gaelic Renaissance has brought to the front, are tackled and dealt with in a straight­forward and lucid manner."

It may be well at this conjuncture briefly to recapitulate our aims: a lengthy confession of faith is not required, in view of the fact that we have already been in existence three years. First and foremost, of course, we are Catholics. Secondly, we have " arrived " in order to carry on the old Gaelic Tradition ; we are the link between past and present; and it may be said of us, as Mr. Lang in his History of Scotland has well said of our ancestors before us: " The Celt (Gael) re­cognised no common part in lowland patriotism. He fought, like Hal of the Wynd, for his own hand. It would be childish to call this conduct 'unpatriotic'." It would not only be "childish" but extremely ignorant to do so. We have our own politics, and we mean to pursue them. Let those who wish to sink the Gael in the North Briton imagine the vain things associated with that depressing and humiliating policy: for our­selves, we will have none of it. We stand for independence—for united Scotland and a Gaelic State.

It took the best part of two hundred years to destroy the Gaelic system: how long will it take to restore the same ? We have often asked our­selves this interesting question. Events move rapidly nowadays, far more nimbly than they were accustomed to do in the years that have gone. If we put our shoulders to the wheel, our children's children may witness the consummation of no small part of our national hopes. But in order to this, it is necessary that one and all should agree in one great thing, however much we may continue to differ amongst ourselves in respect of others- -namely, that our goal is to be Scotland, not North Britain. The " British " theory implies subordination; and that is why we, as Gaels, can­not afford to accept it. Those who insist on the use of the word " British," " Britain," etc., are but pie-bald patriots, whose political vision does not extend beyond their nasal horizon. They, by clamouring to be called "Britons," and persons and things essentially English, " British," ipso facto accept the Union and all its works, which we who are Gaels do not. That is the difference between a Scot and a North Briton; and long may it continue to be so !

It would appear by An Claidheamh Soluis that Irish vernacular is still dying, in spite of all the efforts of the Gaelic League to arrest its decay. What is the position of the Scotch vernacular ? In


380 At the Back of the Wind

the West, we are of opinion that the decay has been, stopped. In a great part of Scotland the Gaelic language is no longer dying; but we are afraid that in many other districts it is expiring rapidly. The situation must be faced; for nothing is to be gained by shutting our eyes to unpleasant facts— by playing ostrich, or otherwise encouraging on& another to shirk facing obstacles. In a great part of the North the language is far from being in a healthy condition; and in a few years' time—unless measures are taken to prevent it—Gaelic, east of Strathspey, will be as dead as a herring. The old people who now speak it will have passed away, and a generation will have arisen which not only will not know Donald, but will have lost all touch and sympathy with those who did. Under such circumstances it would be an enormously difficult, if not an impossible task to restore these lost sheep to-the true fold. We hope the friends of the Gaelic movement in Scotland will bear these important considerations in mind, and strain every nerve and muscle to hold the fort in the threatened districts, in the interests of the Gael and his language. The movement is spreading; and that there are better times coming we firmly believe. But, for dear Scotland's sake, let it not be said of us, as was said with truth and justice of those who went to succour General Gordon : " Alas ! they arrived too late!" It is of vital importance to the welfare of the movement that the language, as a vernacular, be kept alive. The general progress of the movement, however remarkable and gratifying it may be, must not be allowed to obscure the important fact that its primary aim is, necessarily, the preservation of the language as a spoken speech. What we must now work for, therefore, is to get the Gaelic intro-

38i


At the Back of the Wind

duced into every school throughout the Gaelic counties; and the sooner we carry that position, the better it will be for all concerned.

The Oban Mòd a' Chomuinn Ghàidhealach was-an undoubted success, and proved that the West at all events is "solid" for the Gaelic cause. The rise of Oban as a Gaelic centre is a gratifying phenomenon, and must be disconcerting to those who imagine that cave-dwellers and Gaelic speakers are synonymous terms. That so typically tourist a centre as An t-Oban should have introduced the Gaelic language into its public schools, and other­wise shown its unmistakable sympathy with our cause, if to superficial observers and thinkers a thing to marvel at, bodes well for us, as well as for itself; for there is money, besides patriotism, in the Gaelic movement. The literary feature of the recent Mòd was, undoubtedly, the fine Gaelic oration of the Rev. Neil Ross. Mr. Ross, though young, is already a great stylist. He uses the literary language of the Gael, not the commonplace pro­vincial patter of which, alas ! so many Gaelic writ­ings and speeches are nowadays mainly composed. He is, in this respect, a worthy successor of the great Gaelic stylists of the years that have gone, Father Mac Eachen, the elder Mac Leod, author of Caraid nan Gaidheal, and other bright and parti­cular Gaelic literary stars. We expect to hear more of him in the immediate future. His fine genius and admirable technique should render him a highly desirable recruit to the ranks of Gaelic authors.

From the publishing house of MacDonald & Co., Heme Bay, Kent, England, we have received the first, we hope, of a series of Gaelic tales for young people and students of Gaelic. Part I. com­prises two Fenian tales, entitled Fionn an Taigh a' Bhlair-Bhuidhe and Sealg Bheinn Eidir. Both are admirably rendered, though we object strongly to certain archaic forms of spellings observable in the Gaelic text of both these stories. We are pleased to hear that the publishers are prepared to dispense with these useless and misleading archaic-isms in future instalments of the series. The price of Part I. is ridiculously cheap, being but three­pence, post free.

Mr. Mackay, Stirling, sends us a small book with a big title, The Highlands of Scotland since 1800, by A. J. Beaton. The book is in English, which a work of the kind should not be. On page 38 we are informed that " Popery " is again " rais­ing its head" in the Gàidhealtachd, which is an offensive as well as an antiquated way of referring to the progress of the ancient national Church throughout Scotland. Mr. Beaton, we gather, is a South African settler, which may possibly account for his belated phraseology. He seems to share the difficulty which children and very ignorant persons experience in regard to the correct number­ing of the centuries, for he invariably styles the nineteenth century the eighteenth, and so on. The best part of the book is concerned with the in­dustrial development of Gàidhealtachd; which is not ill done. The rest is worthless. The same publisher sends us Dain Thaghte, a selection of Gaelic pieces suitable for recitation, which we have pleasure in recommending.

We have already stated that this periodical will continue to be conducted in accordance with our original notions with respect to its mission. We propose, however, to admit more Gaelic, and, by consequence, less English to our pages as time goes on. The number of Gaelic readers is con­stantly increasing, owing to the spread of the movement and the always increasing educational attention which our language is receiving, both in school and out of it. Guth na Bliadhna is, first and foremost, a Gaelic magazine ; and that being so, the Gaelic must necessarily be our " home " language. We admit English, not because we like it, but because vast numbers of our fellow-countrymen at home and abroad are so shockingly educated that they cannot read a single line of their own language, which obliges us to fall back upon English. Our policy in this respect, as in others, will be gradually to squeeze out the Saxon.

We look to the public schools to provide us with recruits for two important and honourable callings, namely, teaching and journalism. The number of teachers competent to give instruction in Gaelic falls infinitely short of the demand, and we urge on all concerned the supreme importance of addressing themselves to the task of " turning out" teachers competent to give adequate in­struction in our language. The employment of teaching, though it may not be a very lucrative one, yet is honourable in the highest degree, and of supreme importance to the modern State. Parents and teachers might well direct the atten­tion of the young to the many advantages attend­ing a life devoted to the useful employment of teaching.

The attention of the young, moreover, might advantageously be directed to journalism as a profession. Competent Gaelic journalists are as much required as are competent Gaelic teachers; and the material inducements held out in both cases are sufficiently considerable to encourage ambitious young persons of both sexes to partici­pate in their emoluments. The reason why Scots newspapers contain so little of the national lan­guage is that few journalists are at present compe­tent to write in it. By removing this, and similar reproaches, it will not be possible to say in the future as has been said in the past: " Gaelic has no commercial value ". The future of the language, in this respect, rests entirely in our own hands.

We have protested before, and we take this opportunity of protesting again, against the as­sumption that prevails in some quarters that the sole qualification of the Gael consists in his fighting qualities. There has been a deal of this foolish and mischievous talk of late in connexion with the new Land Bill, and on the part of persons of whom better things might be expected. The Gael's destiny is not to go on fighting England's battles on land and sea, as some people appear to imagine, but to work out his moral and material salvation by turning to peaceful account the talents with which God has so liberally endowed him, but which, alas! he has, in too many cases, shamefully neglected. The real enemy of the Gael is he who goes about to encourage him directly or indirectly in Militarism; for that way Anglicisation undoubtedly lies. The national press has a plain and solemn duty to discharge in this respect, and we confidently look to it to perform it, without fear and without favour. If any one be so simple as to believe that Militarism, in any shape or form, is not the Gael's worst foe, he has but to address to himself this pregnant question in order to be undeceived : " What has Militarism done for the Gael, morally and materially?" Morally, it has earned for him an undesirable reputation for pugnacity coupled with a certain obscurity of mental vision : which last renders him totally blind to his prevailing interests. Materi­ally, it has brought him nothing save, as a corre­spondent in the Highland News recently pointed out, "a taste of the Landlord-Factor Yellow Stick". What it behoves us to bear in mind is this, that every Gael given to Militarism is a potential factor lost to the cause of Nationalism. ■"An dearg Amadan agus an Armailt dearg" is a phrase which seems likely to stick.

We observe with amusement that whenever the national prospects of Ireland seem to brighten a little, the English press in this country teems with reports of " disloyal incidents " in Erin. Only the most gullible, of course, could possibly be de­ceived by this very transparent process of " rigging the thimble ". The Gaelic press, as a rule, refrains from reporting these "regrettable" incidents, a praiseworthy tendency which we beg to confirm. Their bias is so plain as to involve their summary rejection; but in case an epidemic of these " sen­sational " reports may now be in course of manu­facture for future despatch to this country, it may be as well to draw attention to the following parti­culars, in order beforehand to discount any possible leakage from the precious consignment in our direction. The Irish national position is precisely that of the national Scots of Scotland. We stand on our own ground: we do not accept history as kindly interpreted for us by Saxon missionaries of Empire. The Gaelic Tradition, both in Scotland and Ireland, is a living force, whose internal signifi­cance all who run may read and understand, if they will but take the trouble to do so. Clearly, that tradition is entirely incompatible with English supre­macy, to which we consider we owe no allegiance. "Ireland a nation!" "Scotland a nation!"—it is obvious that these cries would not only be absolutely meaningless, but downright foolish without the ap­propriate intention.underlying them. As we have al­ready remarked, our Gaelic banner is inscribed with the motto "Nationalism!" not "Provincialism". We recognise no common part in most of what passes for " British " patriotism. We are fighting, like Hal of the Wynd, for our own hand. It would be childish to style this conduct " disloyal" : we cannot be disloyal to what, as Gaels, we have never accepted.

The Gaelic language is the national tongue of Scotland : consequently, when writing or speaking in English, it is strictly correct to refer to it as " Scots " or the " Scots language "; just as the language of France is styled, in English, French; that of Russia, Russian; that of Wales, Welsh; that of Ireland, Irish, and so on. Every schoolboy knows that the word "Scot" signifies a Gael, and " Scotland " the land of the Scot or Gael. In all our early charters the Gaelic language is styled the Scots language; what is now erroneously called "Scotch" being styled "quaint Inglis," which was a dialect of the Teutonic speech akin to the ancient Anglian tongue of Northumbria. We are informed by the chroniclers that on the occasion of the coronation of Alexander III. the royal genealogy was recited " in the mother tongue"; and as the writer of the tract De situ Albanie distinguishes between the Scottish (Gaelic), the British (Welsh) and the dialect (English), in which the Forth was known as the " Scots-water"—the speech of the Lothians—it is evident that " the mother tongue " beyond the Forth was Scots or Gaelic. The as­sumption by the rude jargon subsequently styled " Scotch " or the " Scotch language " of a title to which it had no earthly right was, consequently, in the nature of an impudent imposition, and it is high time that the fraud were exposed, and the ignorant practice based upon it discontinued. "Quaint Inglis" if not buried is at least (as a literary medium, if, indeed, such it ever was) dead, and all the king's horses and all the king's men could not put Humpty Dumpty together again. It is highly desirable that the issue between the two languages (Scots and English) in Scotland should be joined as clearly as possible in order that the fight may be a "straight" one, and as free from diversions and incumbrances of all kinds as we can make it. We confidently look, therefore, to all friends of the Gael in Scotland and beyond the seas to follow our example in this matter.

Many absurd arguments are used by the enemies of the national speech to discourage the efforts of those who are determined to reimpose it upon the country at large—to make it the "mother tongue" of Scotland once more; but of all these so-called arguments perhaps the most foolish and inept is that which is styled (by its advocates) the " utili­tarian". These simpletons maintain that it is waste of time and so forth to learn Gaelic, which, they further assert, has no commercial value. Now those best qualified to speak know that the national tongue has, within certain limits, a very decided commercial value, and that its pos­session is essential to the adequate discharge of certain employments and offices in the Gaelic-speaking districts. This fact, at least, was very clearly established by the correspondence which grew out of the anti-national effusion contributed to the congenial columns of the London Times by one Stewart, a Cockney attorney and a defeated Tory candidate for some constituency or other. But even admitting that the Gaelic language has presently no commercial value, it is obvious that by restoring our tongue to its proper position this alleged discouragement to its acquisition and ob­stacle to its propagation must necessarily be re­moved. In this respect at least the people of this country have the remedy (assuming that one is required) in their own hands. They have but to insist, as the "Welsh have insisted, and still do insist, that all public employments shall be held only by persons who know the national language, when this alleged disability would immediately be removed. It would disappear automatically, as it were, and without need of deputations to govern­ment boards and so forth "to press the claims" of the language upon officials who, in this matter, are more desirous to be led than they are anxious to set an example or to point out a road. We commend this view to the various societies who are interested in the matter as being one which they should and could zealously take up. The people are now ripe for some such general move­ment, but they must be encouraged to show what stuff they are made of. Scotland is not Ireland, which is cursed with a Board of " National" Edu­cation, principally composed, as some one has justly remarked, of Tory fox-hunting squires and Trinity dons; and for our parts we refuse to believe that the " official mind "—even at Whitehall—is other­wise than inclined to be benevolently sympathetic where national aims and claims are concerned.

Another "argument" employed by our " British " protagonists is, that the exigencies of modern edu­cation cannot be reconciled with the demand for increased facilities for the study of the national tongue in our public schools. In a very few words we purpose to knock the bottom out of this argu­ment likewise; and if, in course of our demolition thereof, we cause to fly the stuffing of which, we suspect, its muddle-headed advocates are principally composed, our readers may take our word for it that we shall be neither sorry nor chagrined at what shall have thus incidentally but providentially occurred. In the first place, on what is this contention based ? It is said that time cannot be found for Gaelic in­asmuch as the same is required for more " useful" subjects. What subjects ? Latin, French, German, etc., replies the anti-nationalist. Now, does any one, outside Bedlam, seriously propose to contend that the smattering of French, Latin or German acquired in the average Scots public school is a tuneful ac­quisition, or that it is of the smallest practical value to the Scot who has to struggle, in after life, for his existence? If, indeed, any one can be found to maintain so whimsical a notion, and he is content first to submit himself to the usual medical tests with a view to determining his sanity or the reverse —then all we can say is, take your average pupil to France or Germany or Borne: set him down amongst native-speakers or professors, shut your eyes, open your ears, and see what he will do ! If he does not cause you to look exceedingly foolish, and, besides rating you soundly for your ill-natured experiment, angrily demand his return fare home by the next train, our name is not what assuredly it is, Guth na Bliadhna! Of course, our argument assumes that the average Scotsman wishes to make his way, as the phrase goes, in countries where French, or German, or some other foreign language is the

" mother-tongue"; or that his choice of business leads him to walks of life wherein the possession of French, or German, or Latin, if not essential, is at least desirable, and advantageous to himself. But, needless to say, in the vast majority of cases, the Scot remains in his own country, or he emigrates to some land where English is the prevailing tongue. In either case, he speedily forgets his smattering of French or German—a smattering, by the way, which, in many cases, is not even a smattering—and the time, labour and money spent upon his linguistic " education " likewise goes by the board. ■ We are aware of the argument that Gaelic provides an easy channel for the acquisition of continental languages, and, for what it is worth, we respect and value it. But our contention is, that time, labour and money spent on the teaching of German, French, Latin, etc., in Scots elementary schools is largely wasted, and must ever be so, whatever the method employed to impart that knowledge may be. At all events, the teaching of these languages should not be allowed for one moment to stand in the way of proper in­struction in the national tongue. By all means let us have English, for English, temporarily at all events, is necessary, and other languages if time and money admit; but the subordination of the Scots language to the interests of tongues which cannot be properly acquired outside their own domain, and whose com­mercial value is, in the vast majority of cases, and even when thoroughly acquired, practically nil, is a monstrous provision against whose transparent injustice and financial extravagance we enter our most emphatic and most solemn protest.

litrichean

[Am do luchd-seilbhe Guth na Bliadhna dòrlach Lòchran an Anma a chur a dh'ionnsaidh luchd-bruidhinn na Gàidhig an Colaisde Caitliceach a' Bhlàir, faisg air Abaraidheann, fhuair iad an litir a leanas a chaidh a sgriobhadh le h-aon de na sgoilearan a th'ann.]

Tha sinne, luchd-labhairt na Gàidhlig anns a' Cholaisde so, ro dhèidheil air taing a thoirt dhuibh air son an Leabhar sin, Lòchran an Anma, a bha sibh cho caomhneil agus a chur d'ar n-ionnsuidh.

Tha sinn 'ga fhaicinn glè mhath dhuibh, agus tha e soilleir ri fhaicinn gu'm bheil sibh a dol gu mòran dragh air son a' Ghàidhlig a chumail suas; agus tha e 'leigeil ris dhuinn, cuideachd, cho deònach agus a tha sibh air a' Chreideamh Chaitliceach a sgaoileadh.

Tha a' Ghaidhlig ni's làidire ann a so a nis na bha i fo chionn bliadhna no dhà air ais. Thèid aig deichnear againn air a bruidhinn, agus tha coig eile ann a tha 'ga ionnsachadh.

Tha an leabhar so 'na thaitneas mòr do na h-uile h-aon againn, gu sònruichte do'n fheadhainn a chaidh ainmeachadh mu dheireadh.

Tha sinn a rìs a'toirt tainge dhuibh, agus a' cur romhainn gu'n ùisinnich sinn e gach latha, gun an t-ainm a chuir d'ar n-ionnsuidh e a dhi-chuimhni-cheadh.

Is sinne, le'r cead, An Luchd-Labhairt Gàidhlig.


GAELIC HISTOEY

Sir,

A good many years have passed since Professor Von Pflugk-Harthiing sent me parts of his " History of Ireland " (from the second to the seventh century), published in the University Re­view of Heidelberg; and I remember he had for twenty years collected the materials for writing it, amongst which rank no less than two thousand illustrations of Irish-Gaelic arts and handicrafts as practised in those remote times. He also kindly sent me some of his criticisms on Papal documents of the period, which he proved to have been falsified in England to the detriment of Ireland. Whether Professor Von Pflugk-Harthiing has already pub­lished his two volumes on Irish history, I cannot say, having had no correspondence with him for some time:1 if not, they might be published with great advantage to the cause of Gaelic history.

I well remember reading in that professor's writings that Ireland, then called the Island of Saints, gloried in those remote times in a high civilisation, equalled only by that of the Byzantine Empire ; that is to say, civilisation then existed only at the two extremities of Europe. All the country lying between Ireland and Byzance was then inhabited by rank barbarians. Pflugk-Har­thiing further states that many of the Irish, then called Scots, went over to France, South Germany, and Switzerland to Christianise and civilise those countries, and this accounts for the fact that many of the churches in those countries bear the names

1 The professor informs us that this history is not yet com­plete.

of Irish saints. Some of these Gaelic monks came as far as Regensburg (Ratisbonne), and founded there a college, called the Schotten Colleg, where one of them immured himself, this kind of self-immolation being not rare amongst these monks, who were austere in the extreme. On the other hand, the Scottish monks seem to have already manifested the national failing of fighting amongst themselves, thereby verifying the saying that "the Irish are only at peace when they are fighting"! This college was, later on, transferred to Vienna, where it bore the same name, Schotten Colleg or Zuder Schotten, and exists to this day, being known as one of the best colleges in Austria. It is con­ducted by, I believe, Benedictines. Close to the Schotten Colleg is the Schottenhar (Gate of the Scots) and the Schotten/eld (Field of the Scots). The Celts have evidently made a lasting impression on Vienna, judging by the chara -ter of the Viennese population. There is, too, in the same city a square known as Schottenring (the Square of the Scots).

There is an interesting feature about the Welsh to which I should like to call your attention. It is generally believed that "Welsh " is, in a corrupted form, the original name of the Celtic population of Wales. This seems not to be so, however. When the Saxons landed in Britain under their leaders Hengist and Horsa, they found the south and west of the country (including London) occupied by the Britons, and entering into warfare with them, they appear, in course of time, to have expelled them into the mountainous country to the west of Eng­land. Now, it is, or should "be, a well-known fact that the Teutons called all foreign nations they en­countered in their march of conquest Welsche, in like manner as the Romans called all foreign nations

Barbarians. This expression has preserved itself with the rural population in Germany, where the peasants to this day call Frenchmen, Italians and Walloons, collectively, Welsche, just as they style France and Italy Welschland. The Saxons, on their arrival in Britain, must have had this custom, which gave rise to the term Welsh, as applied to the Celtic peoples, whose own name for themselves is, how­ever, Cymri. The real British, i.e. "Welsh," pos­sessions originally extended, as you know, to the mouth of the Clyde. The name Cumberland is, doubtless, but another form of Cymri-land.

Gaelic culture has been ruthlessly overshadowed by English or so-called " British " civilisation. The " British" system of land tenure is notoriously the worst in the world. It embodies all the vices of Norman feudalism, without any of its original virtues. But once this system is broken down, the Gaels will arise again. The momentous fact re­mains that, in reality, the Gaels Christianised and civilised a great part of Europe.

Your obedient servant,

A. de Linden.

To the Editor of Guth na Bliadhna.
NA H-ALBANNAICH AN CANADA

Anns an eachdraidh ghasda a thug sibh dhuinn air Na h-Albannaich an Canada, tha ni no dhà cearr a dh'amaiseas mi, le'r cead, a' cheartachadh. Air taobh-duilleag 247, tha an sgriobhadair ag ràdh gu'n d'ardaicheadh Alasdair Mac Coinnich, fear-rannsachaidh Airde-Tuath Chanada, leis an tiodal Iarla Shelkirk. Cha d'fhuair Mac Coinnich gu inbhe Iarla, ach gu inbhe Ridire. Air an làimh eile, bhuinneadh Iarla Shelkirk do thaigh uasal nan

Dughlasach, an siorramachd Kirkcudbright. B'e an coigeamh Iarla de'n ainm a tha cho dluchean-gailte ri Canada. Threòraich e mòran Ghàidheil gu Eilean Prionnsa Eideird, gu Cille-dhonain (aig Winnepeg) agus gu caochladh àite eile an Ontario, gu sònraichte Bal-an-duinn ri taobh Locha Erie. Rugadh Iarla Shelkirk so, anns a' bhliadhna 1774, agus chaochail e 'sa bhliadhna 1820 an deigh beatha saothrachaill, anns nach deachaidh cùisean leis mar bu mhath leinn.

Chriochnaich Mac Coinnich a shaothair 'san Airde-an-Iar-Thuath mu'n deachaidh Sime Friseal am mach a' rannsachadh nan tirean iomallach sud, agus mar sin, cha b' ann "sios Abhainn an Fhrio-sailich " a chaidh Mac Coinnich, air a thurus iom­raiteach, ach suas aon de mheur uachdrach na h-aibhne sin, 'sa mach o sin thar na beanntaibh mòra gu ruig a' chuan. Tha mi 'cur làn aonta ris :na tha an sgriobadair ag ràdh mu shàr-obair na h-Albannaich an Canada.

A. F.
*'CLO-CHLAR CAITLICEACH NA H-ALBA"

Le'r Cead,

Leig leinn, tha sinn a' guidhe oirbh, focal no -dhà a ràdh mu'n Chlò-chlar so, a chaidh air bonn a Ios leabhraichean Chaitliceach a chur a mach airson Gàidheil na h-Alba.

Is e An Cath Spioradail, a chaidh a sgrìobhadh le Lorentzo Scupoli, agus a chaidh eadar-theanga-•chadh leis an Athair Mac Eachainn nach maireann, a' chiad leabhar a chuireas sinn a mach ; agus ma thèid soirbheachadh leinn, tha sinn a' cur romhainn leabhraichean Caitliceach eile a chur a mach o àm gu h-àm. Chaidh An Cath Spioradail a chur a mach am baile Pheairt anns a' bhliadhna 1835 ; ach. tha e anabarrach duilich an leabhar sin fhaotainn aig an latha an duigh. Sgrìobh an t-Athair Mac Eachainn mu'n leabhar so, anns an Eoimh-radh a chuir e r'a chèile, mar a leanas. "Is ionann an leabhar so agus sgàthan anns am faicear caithe-beatha naomh air a cur a mach 'na riochd dealbh­ach fhèin mar tha i anns an t-Soisgeul. Tha an leabhar so a' fiachainn an seòl sònruichte mar is-còir dhuinn sinn fhèin umhlachadh agus a chlaoidh. Tha e 'gar cur air rathad dìreach agus cinnteach anns am faod sinnigluasad gu Rìoghachd Fhlathanais air ceuman na naomhachd a's àirde. Ma shaoileas daoine saoghalta, a tha bàite an ùpraid agus, an caonnaig na beatha so, gu'm bheil an naomhachd a tha an leabhar so a' cur mu'n coinneamh muatha's àrd agus duilich air an son, thugadh iad fainear nach e rathad do Fhlathanas a dheanamh doirbh ach rèidh dhoibh, a bha am beachd an ughdaire. B'àill leis suim is brìgh an t-Soisgeil a thional gn beagan bhriathran, agus a sheagh uile a chur a mach fo cheithir chomhairlean, anns am faic sinn,, mar a ghluaiseas sinn air gach ceum do'n t-slighe do Fhlathanas, mar a sheachnas sinn foill ar nàimhdean spioradail, mar a chlaoidheas sinn ar n-ana-mian-nan, agus mar a bheir sinn a mach subhailcean. A dh'aon fhocal, tha an leabhar so a' soilleireachadh agus a' fiachainn mar a chleachdar 'sa chuirear an gnìomh uile chomhairlean an t-Soisgeil. Tha an Soisgeul ag iarraidh oirnn sinn fhèin aicheadh : tha an leabhar so a' fiachainn nan dòighean air an d'thèid so a dheanamh. Tha an Soisgeul ag iarraidh oirnn dòchas làidir a chur an Dia: tha an leabhar so ag innseadh mar a nithear so. Tha an Soisgeul a' cur mu'r coinneamh feum math a thoirt as na tàlantan a fhuair sinn : tha an leabhar so a' soilleireachadh

nan tàlantan sin, agus a' fiachainn mar a chuirear gu deadh fheum iad. Tha an Soisgeul a' cur dleasnas na h-ùrnaigh mar fhiachaibh oirnn: tha an leabhar so a' mineachadh na h-ùrnaigh, agus mar is coir a cleachdadh. Ma sin, chithear anns an leabhar so suim is brìgh an t-Soisgeil gu h-iomlan, mar gu'm b'ann an sgàthan. Air an aobhar sin, an neach air am bheil am miann dìreach gu mullach na coimh-lionachd a's àirde, leanadh e na coimhairlean a tha air an cur a mach anns an leabhar so." Tha an t-Athair foghlumta a'dunadh a stèidh anns na briathraibh so. "Tha e, a nis, air a thionndadh gu Gàidhlig; agus gu Gàidhlig, cuideachd, ris na ghabhadh rud-eigin saothrachail, gus a fàgail rèidh, soilleir dealbhach—saor o fhoclan Beurla agus o Ghàidhlig leathan thuathach."

Cuirear a mach An Cath Spioradail ùr air toiseach na bliadhna so tighinn. Thèid a chlo-bhualadh air deadh phaipeir, agus le litir-clòdh gu tur soilleir. Bithidh e air a reic airson aon tasdan agus sia sgillinn (no, sia-deug cents thar fhichead) am fear, gun ghuth a thaobh duais a' phost. Ma thèid soirbheachadh leinn, air taobh an leabhar so, tha sinn a' cur romhainn Eachdraidh na h-Alba a chur a mach 'na dhèidh airson sgoilean Albannaich. Leig leinn a ràdh, mata, gur h-e an dòigh a's feàrr gus misneach is cuideachadh a thoir oirnn fios a chur an diugh air An Cath Spioradail ùr. Is e fior dhleasnas a h-uile h-aon againn (gu h-àraid is e dleasnas Caitliceaich na h-Alba is Chanada) cainnt ar dùthcha a chumail suas, agus an dòigh a's feàrr gu sin a dheanamh is e so—leabhraichean Gàidhlig a cheannaich.

Is sinne, le'r cead, Clo-chlar Caitliceach na h-Alba. 20 An t-Sraid Ard, Peairt.

giulan nan sasunnach an deidh BLAR Chùil-Fhodair

Le'r Cead,

Tha mi a' cur làn aonta ris na tha bhur fear-rannsachaidh ag ràdh mu'n leabhar ud ris an goirear Fontenoy, agus ris an do chuir Lord Roberts Roimh-Ràdh ro bhaoghalta. Bha giulan nan Sasunn-ach an deigh blàr Chùil-Fhodair anabarrach bruid­eil ; ach cha d'thug Mac Coinnich san Eachdraidh a chuir e r'a chèile mu bheatha Phrionnsa Thearlaich ach roinn bheag dheth sin. Chi sinn mar so leis na bha ùghdar Caraid nan Gàidheal ag ràdh mu'n chùis so. " Cha'n ann da rìreadh gun sgreamh agus gun oillt (deir esan), is urrainn duinn smaointeachadh air an sgrios gun iochd a thugadh air ar luchd-dùthcha an deigh Blàr Chùil-Fhodair. Faodar a ràdh le mor fhirinn nach cualas a shamhuil an aon chogadh a thachair san Roinn Eòrpa. Mar nach fòghnadh leis an arm-dearg na chuir iad gu dìth anns a' bhlàr; an deigh dhoibh an ruaig a chur, tharruing iad an claidheannan, agus mar allamh-araich fhiadhaich, chaidh iad air an ais agus air an adhart feadh na h-àrfhaich a' cur as do gach aon anns an d'fhuair iad an deò; agus le bruidealachd air nach d'thugadh riamh bàrr, a' sathadh an lann an cneas nan laoch treuna a bha cheana marbh. Cha'n e a mhàin gu'n do cheadaich Diùc Chumber-land so, ach is ann a ghabh e mòr tlachd anns a' chùis. Tamull beag an deigh do'n bhlar a bhi seachad bha e fèin agus Wolfe a' marcachd far an do chuireadh am blàr, agus air dha Gàidheal bochd leònta fhaicinn air 'uilinn, thubhairt an Diùc ri Wolfe, " tilg an slaightire ud, aig am bheil de dhànadas amharc orm leis na h-uiread thàir. ' Tha mo dhreachd am buil do mhòrachd,' arsa Wolfe, ' ach cha bhi mi 'am mhortair.'"

" An deigh a' bhlar chuala e gu'n robh cuid de na daoine fathast beò, a dh'aindeoin gach leòin is ana-cothruim a fhuair iad, 'nan sineadh a muigh air an raoin fo'n uisge throm a thuit feadh na h-oidhche. Chuireadh cuid de'n arm-dhearg a mach o Inbhirnis a chum cur as doibh so; agus ma bha'n t-òrdugh sgreamhail, chaidh a chur an gniomh air modh cho gràineil. Air an là am maireach chuireadh cuid-eachan a mach air feadh na dùthcha a rannsachadh gach taighe anns an saoileadh iad an gabhadh na daoine leònta fasgadh. Fhuaradh àireamh mòr dhiubh : mhortadh iad uile ach fear no dhà a fhuair as le bàidhealachd aoin de na h-oifigich. Bha duine measail, nach bhuineadh do thaobh seach taobh, a chunnaic a dhà-dheug agus tri-ficead air an cur gu bàs mar so air an treas là an deigh a' bhlàir"

Ach, mar tha an ùghdar so ag ràdh, cha robh an so ach faoineachd an coimeas ri uamhais eile a chuireadh an gnìomh. Dlùth do'n bhlàr-chath, bha bothan chaorach far an d'iarr cuid de na daoine leòinte fasgadh. Fhuair an t-arm-dearg a mach iad : dhuin iad an dorus, agus chuir iad r'a theine e, ionnas gu'n loisgeadh, cha'n e a mhàin na bha de dhaoine leòinte ann, ach, mar an ceudna, cuid de mhuinntir iochdmhor a thàinig a fhreasdal doibh. " An deigh do na h-uile bhèistean gràineil a rinn so an t-àite fhàgail, fhuaras le muinntir na dùthcha dà-fhichead corp anns a' bhothan thruagh so, an cor nach unainn cainnt a chur an cèill." So sgeulachd sunndach eile a tha an t-ùghdar so a' toirt seachad. " Fhuaras naoi Oifigich dheug an coille a' call fala, ghiùlaineadh iad dlùth do thaigh Chùil-Fhodair, ach cha robh a' chridhe fasgadh taighe a thoirt doibh, no idir an creuchdan a cheangal suas. Bha aon


400 Litrichean

fhear-muinntir bochd san taigh mhòr so, a ghabh de mhisnich beagan bìdh a thoirt doibh, ged a bha e an cunnart dioladh gu trom air a shon. Fhuaradh iad so a mach air an treas là, leis an arm-dhearg, cheanglach iad gu cruaidh teann, tilgeadh iad air muin a chèile an cairt; chuireadh a mach iad ri aodann balla àird, agus mu'm b'urrainn doibh aon ùrnaigh ghoirid a chur suas, loisgeadh orra le sreath de shaighdeirean a sheas mar uidh dheich troidhean doibh, agus an earalas gu'm biodh an deò an aon diubh, dh'iarradh air na saighdairean iad a chur as doibh le earr an gunnachan."

Na h-uiread so mu dhèimhinn giùlan bhruideil nan Sasunnach an deigh blàr Chùil-Fhodair. Gu dearbh, bu choir gu'm biodh e mar aobhar mas­laidh agus cromaidh cinn do na Sasunnaich uile; ach a rèir coltais, cha'n ann idir mar sin a tha ùghdar an leabhar ud Fontenoy, agus a chuid càir­dean am measg nan Sasunnach, a' gabhail ris. Is iomadh h-aon a tha aig an latha an diugh ro dhèidheil air ar n-Eachdraidh fèin agus na laoich o'n d'thàinig sinn a leigeadh air di-chuimhne; ach, ged nach 'eil e 'nar comas mion-chunntas a thoirt air gach losgadh agus creachadh a rinneadh air luchd-leanmhuinn Thearlaich, gidheadh cha 'n 'eil e iomchuidh gu'n rachadh iad an di-chuimhneach-adh gu tur. Sheas iad a mach gu duineil air taobh ar dùthcha-ne, agus dh'fhuluig iad mòran nithean air a son. Nach ann mar sin a tha sinn a' deanamh rithe air an latha an diugh ?

Is mise, etc.,

Saighdear Buidhe.

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