An geamheadh, 1906



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1 The late Earl of Crawford writing with the results of Skene's investigations before him states that " my late friend Mr. Maidment was not disposed to give up the point of its authenticity without further discussion " {Earldom of Mar, vol. i., p. 169).

Who is "Righ na h-Alba''? 109

in this opinion I am by no means disposed to disagree with him. As however the late Dr. Joseph .Robertson justly observes,1 the facts which the deed in question set forth " may perhaps be true in part". Professor Cosmo Innes, too, was of opinion that even if admitted to be a " very early forgery, it is scarcely less important than if ad­mitted to be genuine";2 whilst Lord Crawford's remarks on the same subject are characterised by the sagacity and caution for which that extremely learned man was remarkable. " I may observe, however," he says, " that I should not be surprised if evidence some day emerged to show that Morgund was really the son of Gillocherus or Gillocher, possibly Earl of Mar. The forger of a charter would be careful to proceed upon accurate data, so far as they were obtainable ; and the lapse of eighty years between 1171 and 1257 was not sufficient to obliterate memory as to who Earl Morgund's father really was. Even a supposititious document may render evidence when carefully scrutinised."3 With regard to this last point, it should be borne in mind that the contests between the Earls of Mar and the Durwards were of exceptional severity, and ex­tended over a considerable period of time. The Pope himself was called upon to adjudicate upon the rival claims; and that the result of all this costly and protracted litigation should have resulted in a verdict for the earls in possession, proves con­clusively that the forger (if such he really was) was "careful to proceed upon accurate data". It is obvious that the allusion to the Moray Mormaer-

1 Antiquities of the Shires of Aberdeen and Banff, vol. iv.,. p. 691.

2 Acts of Parliament, preface.

3 Earldom of Mar, vol. i., pp. 171-72.

ship and to Gillocher, Earl or Mormaer of the com­bined provinces of Mar and Moray, would have been fatal to the success of Earl William's defence, whether we regard the gratuitous nature of that allusion (assuming it to be spurious and without foundation in fact) or the character of the indi­viduals who were responsible for the opposing claim, and the almost superhuman efforts they made to establish their case. As Lord Crawford justly observes, too, by no possible stretch of the imagina­tion are we entitled to assume that the memories of the Durwards,1 their legal advisers and friends (to say nothing of the rest of the country, including the King and his court, which must naturally be supposed to have been profoundly interested in so important a case) played them so false and proved so defective that in the comparatively short space of eighty years neither the one nor the other was able positively to say who Morgund's father really was, and what was the position which he occupied during his lifetime. That the text of the deed of 1171 was universally regarded as furnishing " accu­rate data" upon these particular points, is con­clusively proved by the fact that the papal investi­gation into this cause cèlèbre resulted in a verdict in favour of Earl William.
1 The Durwards possessed very large property in Mar, which must have come to them through marriage, and perhaps was so settled in their favour in 1222-28, when a settlement or composition was entered into between Earl Duncan and Thomas, the father of the Alan Durward of 1257. The settlement is now lost, but is enumerated in a schedule of Scottish records de­livered by Edward I. to King John Baliol in 1292 as follows: "Item, in uno sacculo existente in eadem maletta veteri una pixis sigillata, in qua est compositio inter comitem de Mar et Thomam Ostiarium olim facta" (Earldom of Mar, vol. i., p.

It seems to me, therefore, that whether we regard the deed of 1171 as authentic or spurious, the facts which it sets forth, so far as they concern the Mar claim to the Moray Mormaership, are not to be gainsaid. There is, however, additional evi­dence to offer in support of this claim which, I .submit, places the matter beyond reasonable doubt.

In the year 1837 the late eminent lawyer Sir Francis Palgrave published the first volume of a number of important historical MSS. relating to the early history of Scotland ; and amongst these instruments recovered to the nation, and issued under the authority of Government, was one deal­ing with an appeal prepared in name of the seven ■earls of Scotland and of the community of the realm, to Edward I. of England, which concludes with the following memorandum: " That when William, King of Scotland, restored to Morgund, son of Gyloclery,1 the predecessor of the Lord Douenald Earl of Marr, this Earldom of Marr, ac­cording as the same is contained in a writing which Douenald Earl of Marr possesses, there was want­ing then to the said Morgund, and there is still wanting to the Earl, three hundred pound land, partly in domain and partly in holdings and more, for which he claims that right should be done him ". Skene connects this document with the charter of 1171. " The writing here referred to seems to have

11 regret I am unable to give the etymology of this word. In the deed of 1171 it is written Gillocher. The Gille is trans­latable at sight; but what of the termination ? In a pedigree of the Mar family prepared by George Erskine, Bailie of Alloa to the Earl of the 15,1 find it written " Gillocher or Gillohrist". But is it possible to get Gillohrist out of Gillocher or Gyloclery? Perhaps its true form is GillechUire = the servant or follower of the clergy. Gilleohriost, however, was a common Gaelic name, instances of which are not wanting in the Mar pedigree.

been this very deed," he says ; but whether it was. so or not, it is important as proving that indirectly the result of the papal inquiry was generally accepted as being favourable to Earl William,1 and as showing that in or about 1290, as in 1257, no-doubts were entertained as to who Earl Morgund's. father really was. But important as this evidence is, in view of what has been stated above, more remains to be told. In the same appeal of the seven earls of Scotland, Donald, Earl of Mar, appeals to Edward of England in name of himself (as one of the seven earls) and in name of the free­men of Moray, and the other relations, connections and friends of the said Earl (Donald).- Now it is-obvious that no such appeal could possibly have been made by Earl Donald had he not had ample grounds on which to make it; nor would such an appeal have been suffered to pass unchallenged, or have been allowed to have been entered at all, if the rest of the nobility of Scotland were not persuaded that in so doing Donald was acting entirely within, his rights, and in strict conformity with universal belief and common knowledge. The occasion of this historic appeal was, it must be remembered, the most solemn and important that can possibly be imagined. It was an appeal addressed, not by a few individuals upon an obscure or trifling occasion, and to a quarter correspondingly obscure and un­important ; but it was the voice of the entire nation speaking through the channel of its accredited representatives to a rich and powerful foreign

1 He appears to have died about 1273.

2 The Latin text of this interesting and important docu­ment is printed in full in Sir Francis Palgrave's Documents and Becords illustrating the History of Scotland (preserved in the Treasury), pp. 14-21.

monarch, and upon a subject the most grave and weighty that the mind of man can well conceive— the independence and well-being of an entire king­dom. It must be patent, therefore, to the meanest intelligence that this was neither the time nor the place for the assertion of claims which had no foundation in fact, and which, if spurious, could only have had the effect of still more complicat­ing the issues at stake, and of dividing and dis­couraging the country at a time when, in view of the rising pretensions of the arch-enemy of Scot­land—the very person to whom this appeal was addressed—the country's existence seemed to de­pend upon opposing a bold and united front to the ambitious designs of its English enemies. But I hold that the allusion speaks for itself, and stands in no need of any special pleading on my part. The reference to the freemen of Moray, and to " the other relations (consangidneos), connexions and friends (amicos)" of Earl Donald is introduced in the most natural manner imaginable; and considering the later history of the Moray Mormaership, is just what we might expect under a transitionary state of society, such as obtained in Scotland at that time, as the consequence of the introduction of the feudal system, and the gradual displacement of the native laws and customs by that agency.

We have already seen that the last recorded appearance of Euaidhri, Mormaer of Mar, was in 1131 (Book of Beer), a year after the Battle of Strickathrow in which the men of Moray and the Mearns were defeated, and Angus of Moray was slain. How long Kuaidhri lived after witnessing the grant of land mentioned in the Book of Deer it is, of course, impossible to say; but the probability is that he was an old man at that time, and that he did not long survive his last recorded appear­ance. Morgund appears as witness in a charter by King David and Earl Henry, his son, to the Church of the Holy Trinity at Dunfermline, which is without date, but which must have been granted between 1136-53; and he appears to have died about 1180, as in a confirmation by Pope Lucius III. in favour of Walter, Prior of the Church of St. Andrews, of various grants of lands, and dated 30th March, 1183, Morgund is referred to as Morgrundi quondam Comitis de Mar. Gillocher;; therefore, although unfortunately it is at present impossible to fix his proper period within settled limits, probably "flourished" sometime between the years 1132-40. Apart from the deed of 1171 we have no record of his existence at all; but inas­much as we have no record of the existence of any other Earl of Mar between the dates mentioned, I hold that the deliberate statement of Earl William (so easy to be disproved by his contemporaries, if false) should be accepted as conclusive on the point of the name and status of his predecessor. The period with which we are presently dealing is not only a very early one, but was a time of great con­fusion and uncertainty, and owing to the destruc­tion of many of our national MSS. during the Wars of Independence, and at the so-called Keformation, the hiatus in question, however regrettable, is by no means to be wondered at. Few if any families in Scotland, I venture to think, of the antiquity and importance of that of Mar, can produce a pedigree from the earliest to modern times, the links of which betray so few evidences of the corroding influences of time and of the disintegrat­ing action of those troublous epochs through which our country has passed.

It remains for me, in conclusion, to make a few observations touching Chalmers's sixth objection to the authenticity of the charter of 1171. "The six earls," he says, "who witnessed Alexander I.'s charter to Scone in 1115 were of Fife, Strathern, Menteith, Boss, Atholl and Mar; but we see not then or for years afterwards any Earl of Moray;1 and among the twelve earls who sat in the great Parlia­ment of Bingham in 1289-90, under the summons of Edward I., there is not any Earl of Moray. Moreover in the charter which Robert I. granted in 1321 to his nephew Randolph, for all those lands in Moray, as they had been in the hands of the late Alexander III., who demised in 1285, which were now erected in libero comitatus, and which, as such, were con­ferred by the grant on his nephew Randolph. From this deduction we may see clearly that there was no comitatus Moravice at the demise of David I. in 1153, and none at the demise of Malcolm IV. in 1165, and none, we may presume, in 1171 under his brother and successor William, and certainly none mentioned in the Parliament of Bingham, 1289-90. Morgund, indeed, does not say that his father Gillocher, who, if ever there was such a person, must have lived under David I. and his successor Malcolm, had obtained a grant of Moray as a comitatus or earldom. There is a charter of Malcolm IV. confirming to the monks of Dun­fermline the grant of his grandfather David I. which is witnessed by six earls, among whom is
1 The " Beth," however, who witnesses the same charter is now generally regarded as standing for Heth or Aodh, Mormaer of Moray. But even if Beth was not, by a clerk's error, Heth, the deduotìon Chalmers draws could not be allowed to stand, as (he Moray Mormaers regarded themselves as independent of the House of Atholl.

Morgund, Earl of Mar; so that if Gillocher ever lived, he must have existed under David I. who demised in 1153. He merely states that he died seized of the Comitatus of Moray."Chalmers wrote, of course, before the discovery of the important document published by Sir Eichard Palgrave in his collection of Scottish national MSS., in which Earl Donald appeals in name of himself, the freemen of Moray, and his other relations, con­nexions and friends ; and I do not doubt that had he had the opportunity of seeing that document, his "sixth objection" to the authenticity of the deed of 1171 would not have passed the press, at all events in its present form. "With regard to the comitatus or earldom mentioned by that writer, no such thing, of course, existed at that early time. Gillocher did not claim the earldom as his feudal right; nor did he die seized of a comitatus given him, and erected in his favour, by the King (David). The dignity which he claimed, and which he did die vest and seized of, was the ancient Gaelic Mormaer-ship of Moray, a purely Gaelic and personal, and not a territorial and feudal dignity, which is abundantly proved by his successor Donald's appealing in name of the freemen of Moray -not of the Comitatus or Earldom of Moray—and of his other Mood relations (consanguineos) and friends. After the fatal battle of Strickathrow and the demise of Angus, what probably happened was this: Gillocher, Mormaer of Mar, claimed the Mormaership of Moray as next of kin; and, as stated in the deed of 1171, actually became such. His brief rei«n over, however, Mor­gund, his successor, possibly owing to his taking the side of William the Lion, was unable to enforce
1

1 Observations upon the Spuriousness of Selden's Document.

his rule; and, appealing to the King, received the promise mentioned in the deed. Skene1 says, it is true, that there is "no appearance of the royal authority not having been recognised in Moray" during the first eight years of William's reign. But considering the scanty nature of the records dealing with these early times, such purely negative testi­mony counts for nothing. We know that Moray was in a disturbed and unsettled state for many years after Strickathrow, and that it was not finally subdued until 1181 or even later. An hiatus of eight years in respect of so troubled and obscure a period, and in regard to the affairs of so war-like a people as the men of Moray were, cannot reason­ably be held to prove anything, more especially as in 1174Dut three short years after the date of the deed in question—the whole of Moray was in a blaze of insurrection. The Mormaers of Mar, from Ruaidhri downwards, seem to have supported the pretensions of the House of Atholl—a circum­stance which is in itself quite sufficient to account for the reluctance of the men of Moray to submit to the authority of Morgund. In any case, Gillocher's reign as Mormaer of the combined provinces must have been very brief, and the probability is that owing to the adhesion of his family to the kings

'In his Highlanders of Scotland Skene makes the same mistake as Chalmers here does. He says that after Strickathrow the Earldom of Moray was conferred upon the Earl of Mar by the King. This error, however, is not repeated in Celtic Scotland. It is scarcely necessary here to state that a feudal king could not withhold or bestow a Gaelic Mormaership. This error, in the case of Chalmers, is the more remarkable inasmuch as he appears to have appreciated the essential difference between the two dignities. " After the death of Macbeth and the demise of Lulach Moray, according to Gaelic custom, came to the people of Moray and not to the King," he says.

of the Hue of Malcolm III., a powerful party in Moray was opposed to his claims, and prevented his rule and that of his house from being popular with a large number of the inhabitants of that semi-independent Principality. Morgund's appeal to the King (William the Lion) as his feudal chief, at a time when Moray, besides being still a Gaelic State, was in a disturbed and dissatisfied condition owing to the action of that King himself and of his pre­decessors on the throne of Alba, probably further accentuated his unpopularity and compromised his position; and though we find his successor Donald constituting himself its responsible representative —a thing which he could not have done without the full knowledge and consent of the freemen of Moray—on the ground of blood relationship, it has to be observed that the appeal in question was not made until the close of the thirteenth century, by which time Moray was entirely subdued to the House of Atholl, and more or less reconciled to those successive revolutions and changes in the constitution of the country by virtue of which Alba had ceased to be a purely Gaelic State and by which the Ceann Mòr dynasty had effectually consolidated their pretensions to the supreme power.

Nor is it difficult to explain why Morgund was unsuccessful in his suits, and why the Moray Mormaership was enjoyed by but a single repre­sentative of the House of Mar. The troubles of the times, as the deed of 1171 clearly states, were responsible in no small measure for that result; but the well-known policy of the early Scottish sovereigns of the House of Atholl as regards the Gaelic Mormaership is a further circumstance which must be taken into full and strict account in de­bating this question. That policy, as is universally recognised, was directed with the view and with the determination of breaking up these powerful tribal confederacies, and of imposing purely feudal tenures and conditions upon such as the King was powerless directly to suppress, or to unite to the Crown. William may well have amused Morgund with the idea of helping him to get possession of Moray after the war with England and the re­duction of the Moray " rebels " to submission to his power as Ard-Righ. No doubt Morgund was a powerful ally whom it would have been rash to offend or to provoke, and a conditional promise of the kind set forth in the deed of 1171 was well calculated to flatter and conciliate that nobleman, whilst at the same time it served the interests of the King. At all events, the fact remains that it was the policy of the Crown not to tolerate these conglomerations of power in the hands of particular noblemen; and in proportion to the power of that individual and the strength and number of his connexions was seen to consist the absolute ne­cessity of depressing and weakening him as much as possible. Moreover with the growth of the royal authority and prerogatives, and the spread of the feudal system, not only did the Scottish sovereigns find themselves increasingly competent to deal with their rivals and enemies amongst the native nobility of Scotland according as their interest suggested, but the Gaelic system itself passing away, the recognition of claims such as that put forward by Morgund in 1171—at which time the feudal system was by no means paramount in Scotland—must not only have appeared to the later sovereigns of the House of Atholl as entirely inconsistent with their own supremacy, but as being in the nature of archaic survivals, which it would


have been both foolish and dangerous to tolerate. The popularity, so far as our early kings are con­cerned, of this policy of confiscation and suppression in regard to native dignities and the hold which it] took of them are strikingly exemplified in history ; and so warmly did it recommend itself to our later sovereigns, from James I. to James VII., that they may be said to have passed their lives in ruining! their country in the endeavour to give effect to it, whilst not a few of them actually fell victims to it, being cut off in the prime of life and in the ap­parent height of their power in consequence of their unscrupulous efforts to yet further enslave and degrade their people through the channel of the feudal system.

My conclusion is, therefore, upon this brief consideration of these several particulars, that Gillocher, Mormaer of Mar, was also by right of blood and by virtue of the suffrages of the majority of the men of Moray, Mormaer of Moray ; and that, under the Gaelic system, that ancient dignity and the high claims associated with it would reside in the present representative of the former House— the sole existing representative of the ancient Mormaers of Alba.




E. E.
de-anglicisation

It was Fènèlon, we think, who somewhere observed that where an enemy shows undue uneasiness and irritation under criticism or assault such mani­festations may safely be regarded as a sign of the inherent weakness and injustice of the cause which he defends. In the April number of an English publication called the National Review, there is a paper by one signing himself "Vigil" on the de-Anglicisation of Ireland, which may safely be re­garded as an admirable illustration of the truth of Fènèlon's maxim. It is a paper full of uneasiness and irritation, and betokens a troubled mind—we say nothing of conscience in so unconscionable a connexion—on the part of the writer, whose anonymity, by the way, probably shelters one of those modest and retiring, though withal prying and vigilant personalities, whose appropriate sphere of activity is English Ireland.

For cool effrontery and impudence naked and unashamed we doubt if the title selected by this egregious Unionist for his amusing adumbrations could well be matched. " The de-Anglicisation of Ireland" ! It is obviously a crime, a monster grievance, an astounding misdemeanour, a hideous scandal, a running political sore which this semi-demented Saxon is treating of. Ireland is beginning to dare to call her soul her own! Imagine it! Oh! the unspeakable pity, the effrontery and the heart­less iniquity of it! After several hundred years of English rule she is at long last beginning to act on the knowledge which has been hers since her servitude began—that John Bull is a foreigner, an interloper, a humbug, a tyrant and a bloodsucker, and that the sooner he is dumped back upon his own Saxon shores the better it will be for Erin.

Keally, these Anglo-Saxons are impossible, and their " cheek" staggers humanity. " The de-Anglicisation of Ireland !" It is a foul crime, a horrible nightmare! There is a hideous conspiracy on foot to rob England of her own! " Saxons awake! All the world knows we never never never will be slaves, for we have shouted it in at least a thousand music-halls ; and are you going to stand calmly by whilst these insolent rebellious Irishmen de-Anglicise their country—that country which is a part of the Holy British Empire, and therefore ours ? " So this maniac, foaming at the mouth, in­solently raves. Is the creature drunk, or are his doddering lucubrations to be regarded as merely so many outward and visible signs of a mind inwardly and incurably diseased? We pause for a reply. Effrontery so gross and ignorant, impudence so colossal and stupefying as this unspeakable Saxon has been guilty of leave us temporarily breathless with indignation.

Obviously, the average Englander acts on the assumption that these isles and all that they con­tain belong to him. Let us proceed to knock the bottom out of that hoary superstition. In the first place, the Saxon unit was the last to arrive. He came not because he was loved, but because he was wanted to make himself generally useful, to be, being but a pagan and barbarian (and fit for nothing else), a sort of military hewer of wood and drawer of water to certain effeminate Britons, who by the way speedily repented of their invitation-Then, like the impudent varlet he was, he turned on his employers, and acting the part of the young cuckoo in the nest of the small birds insolently jostled the unfortunate natives out of their national birthright. Every one knows that taming the brute and teaching him religion and manners proved an excruciating process, and one upon which an infinity of time and of pains was required to be expended before even the slenderest results were obtained. The most of his veneer of civilisation he owed to-the kindly Gaels of Ireland and Scotland—to that proud race which was the light and glory of Western!

Europe at a time when the mere Saxon was as yet blissfully ignorant of the art of covering his primitive nakedness with the primitive fig-leaf. The Norman Conquest of England rather aggravated than amelio­rated this racial nuisance; for by further barbarising the barbarian lump, it necessarily neutralised the action of the small civilising leaven imported into England by Ireland and Scotland. Even so late as the reign of Henry VIII. the English were regarded as a pamenu nation, whose tardy reception into the " European concert" of those times was thought to be something of an innovation, and an experiment which time alone could justify. The fact that, like the green bay-tree of the Psalmist, they flourished abundantly and have overshadowed the earth, though it may afford a striking illustration of the justice of the comparison which the Psalmist drew, by no means invalidates our claims to nationality, to racial existence. In point of equity, our claims-take immeasurable precedence of theirs, as much on the ground of superior antiquity as of natural and indefeasible right. The Gaels of Scotland and Ire­land are a nation whose right to live we ourselves regard as infinitely better than that of the English, but whose right so to live all must agree to be at least quite as good as ! hat of the Saxon. We are conscious of our right and we mean to enforce it, let the consequences to England be what they may. By styling his, for the most part, ill-gotten gains the " British" Empire, the egregious Englander imagines that he can go on bubbling the Celtic inhabitants of these isles with the belief that what is essentially his is by means of some patent process of recondite reasoning which he has invented for the occasion, not absolutely his own. But, to quote a phrase which contemporary politics has made popular, we have had "enough of this foolery". We have no desire to "split" with the English in the sense of renewing past and, for the most part, forgotten quarrels with them : on the contrary, we desire to live at peace and in friendship with all men; but our national birthright—our nationality —we mean to maintain at all costs and at all hazards. The Gaelic movement, if it means any­thing, certainly means this, that we have arisen; that we mean to have and to hold what by God's good providence, if not roluntate hominorum, is ours. We mean to repair, and, if necessary, to reconstruct the damaged and time-stained fabric of our nation­ality. We, the Gaels of Scotland and Ireland, are a nationality because we possess all the essential attributes of a separate and an independent people. We have a language of our own, a history, a civili­sation, arts, crafts, laws and a literature of our own. Does the idiot who wrote this amazing paper in the National Review seriously think for a moment that we are going to surrender these precious, nay these priceless possessions for the miserable mess of Saxon pottage which he and his countrymen have the impudence to offer us? No doubt we have been weak and foolish on many occasions in the past; ",ut folly and ingratitude upon so stupendous and unprecedented a scale would inevitably not only stagger but stultify the whole of humanity.

By way of conclusion to these remarks, we are tempted to give a few characteristic extracts from this astounding effusion. No small part of the paper is composed of reflexions touching a certain ''disloyal incident" which occurred in connexion with the toasting of King Edward ; but with this we -are by no means concerned. For the Gael of Scot­land there is no dynastic question. Eagal air an righ uaibhreach roimh Iain bochd! Agus gun eagal air Iain roin righ I The thing may serve to keep alive a few straggling " Jacobites," but has no pos­sible signification for contemporary politics. We accordingly proceed to quote as freely as space will allow from the rest of his amazing rigmarole :—

"The remarks of the Chief Secretary on the work of the Gaelic League suggest a grave doubt whether the new policy of Liberalism is not vitiated from the outset by an extraordinary ignorance of what one group, at least, of ' Irish ideas' really means and makes for. 'In my judgment,' says Mr. Bryce solemnly,' expressions of the sentiments, of Irish nationality ought not to be repressed'— which, by the way, no one has proposed—' or re­garded with suspicion.' He speaks of ' the in­creasing interest shown in the Irish language and in ancient Irish history' as a ' wholesome thing'. He kindly assured his audience that ' the continued use of the English language is in no sort of danger'. But, accepting the view urged by many amiable and well-intentioned people, who write eulogies of the Gaelic League and the Irish language move­ment in English newspapers and periodicals, he sees nothing save a fine intellectual passion for philological and historic il pursuits in what has been done in Ireland during the past twelve years to uproot the ' great holdings,' in Burke's expressive phrase, which, in spite of old feuds, of bygone errors, and of modern traffickers in mischief and malice, link together the populations of the two islands and, especially, their best minds and their highest aspirations. Such strangely misleading accounts of the Gaelic propagandism as that pub­lished in the Nineteenth Century of November last, by the Countess Dowager of Desart, may confuse the uninformed, or deceive those who wish to be deceived. But Mr. Bryce ought not to be included in either category. Lady Desart reckons the open­ing of a new era of regeneration in Ireland from the day (July 31, 1893) when ' seven literary and thoughtful men elected Dr. Douglas Hyde and Mr. John MacNeill respectively president and vice-president ' of the Gaelic League, which body entered .then upon the campaign for ' de-Anglicising' the sister island, and has prosecuted it till now. The object and the incidents of that campaign ought not surely to have escaped the notice of any one interested in the problems of Irish government, least of all any likely to be called upon to take part in an effort to solve them.

" A few weeks later, Dr. Hyde addressed a meet­ing in Roscommon and dilated on the progress of the League. A Nationalist local journal in com­menting on the proceedings had the following significant remarks :—

'"How they (the Gaelic Leaguers of Roscommon) will acquit themselves will be closely watched, and, should they fail to rise to the occasion, an indelible stain will be cast on a community which in all the advanced movements in the Irish struggle pro­duced men that were ready to risk all for the love of Ireland. . . . Every Irishman knows that the object of the Irish revival is but to gain means towards that great end—an Irish nation, acknow­ledging no language and no laws but their own. . . . The facts enumerated by him (Dr. Hyde) would have been reckoned as dreams some years ago by persons unacquainted with the strength of the movement. In the County Wexford it had been decided, by a vote of fifty-three out of fifty-six present, that after January 1,1905, no schoolmaster be appointed who is not an Irish speaker. In the County Cork it had been decided that no appoint­ment be made in the County Council offices to any man who is not an Irish speaker. The County Mayo Council had come to a similar determination, And the action of the Dublin Corporation (when a motion to the same effect was passed, in opposition to the protest of Mr. Harrington, M.P., a former Nationalist Lord Mayor) is fresh in the public mind.'

"These tactics were rapidly extended during the next twelve months, to the outspoken delight of the United Irishman and other organs of the ' Gaelic Revival,' and, one by one, the Irish-speaking test was established by councils and other public bodies in districts where English only is in use among the people. Mr. Wyndham and Lord Dudley do not seem to have thought it any part of their business to notice what was going on. In less than a year, as was not surprising under these conditions, the progress of which Dr. Hyde boasted had become much more marked. In a communication, pub­lished in the Irish World simultaneously with the opening of Dr. Hyde's American campaign, it is stated:—

"' The Gaelic League, which at its inception was merely academic rather than anything else in its aims, and primarily occupied with the preservation of Gaelic, has expanded to the dimensions of a great National movement. ... It is able to afford the services of ten organisers, who give all their time to its business, and helping them are two hundred travelling teachers. In Dublin alone there are thirty branches of the Gaelic League. There are nearly nine hundred branches through­out the country, with an enrolled membership of

100,000. . . . The number of schools in which the language is taught has advanced from 105 in 1899 to 3,000 in 1905. The entire number of students, of the language at present is considered not to be far short of a quarter of a million.'

"What the Gaelic school teachers were doing with the children the local branches of this Gaelic League hoped to do with the young men and women. A local secretary, speaking at the Tralee District Council, said: ' . . . He wished them to understand that any man who became a member of the Gaelic League, no matter what his present views might be, after a few years' membership he would be changed into what each of them would like to see—that was a separatist, and anxious for the complete independence of his country.'

" A few specimens of the local work of the Gaelic League branches, extracted from Nationalist news­papers, may here be cited. Archdeacon Hutch, P.P., presiding over the Midleton branch (Co. Cork), said: ' The Gaelic League has been a tremendous success in Ireland. It was a cry from the soul of a nation calling for the emancipation of their tongue and their ideals and the expulsion of the-foreign race that had been forced upon them.' At a meeting in Glenties a little earlier, Canon Macfad-den preached the thorough-going Gaelic doctrine, though no branch apparently was then in existence there.

" ' He said the time was come when the youth of Ireland must choose between being a credit to their nation and a disgrace. He said they must be de-Anglicised now or never. Words failed him to ex­press his scorn and contempt for the Irish boy who, lost to all sense of shame and decency, entered what the previous speaker had most truly styled the hell of the British army, whether the men in that army wore red coats, or khaki, or black. He urged on the people the necessity for reviving their language, and for doing away with foreign customs, foreign dances, and foreign games, and said the time was come when Anglo-Saxon football should be crushed out.'

"The following excerpts further illustrate the 'non-political' character of the Gaelic League. Dr. Douglas Hyde himself, in replying to addresses presented to him before he sailed for New York, used these words: ' The chairman had said that the organisation was non-political and non-sec­tarian. It was non-sectarian; but in the true sense, in the Greek sense, in the sense of the power it exercised over the people of Ireland, it was one of the strongest political organisations in the country.'

" A meeting of the Gaelic League at Marshals-town was cheered by the Rev. P. Murphy with this statement: ' The Gaelic League was built on a solid foundation, and could not be easily shaken. It was the rock on which British misrule in this country will crumble to pieces.'

" Mr. James Donohoe, a County Councillor of Wexford, said at a Gaelic League meeting at Ennis-corthy : ' The salvation of Ireland should certainly come through this Irish revival [the Gaelic League revival]. There would shortly be a line of demar­cation drawn across the country, and they would have to take their stand under the National flag or the flag of Dublin Castle.'

"Father O'Hea, at a Gaelic League meeting (Caheragh, Co. Cork), said that the movement 'would raise Ireland up to the level of an inde­pendent nation'.

"Again we read in the Sligo Champion of December 9, 1905 :—

" ' A meeting of the Gaelic League was held at Curry, Co. Sligo, on December 3. The Eev. P. Mulligan, P.P., presided, and in the course of his address complained that " the foreigner's flag still floats over our soil, foreign customs and games, a foreign language and education is to the fore, everything native and natural is pushed into the background. This is not what should be ; this is what won't be. The Gaelic League has entered the arena and thrown down the challenge—the native v. the stranger. Ah 1 it is a noble cause, and one worth fighting for, the regeneration of this old land. Tail talk won't do the work. Deeds will. Therefore it is, my friends, that I exhort you to be up and doing, to take your place as tried men and true in the battle for intellectual freedom. The day for the Gael is nigh. He will soon enter his own again."'

"The capture of the national schools by the teachers imbued with the de-Anglicising passion of Dr. Douglas Hyde and Mr. O'Daly proceeded apace under the sympathetic administration of Mr. Wynd-ham, who went over to Dublin in 1900 full of pride in his descent from Lord Edward Fitzgerald, the patriot who plotted to bring a French invading army to conquer his native land. Irish was taught before Mr. Wyndham's advent in less than one hundred elementary schools, while, before he re­signed, it was established, as an extra paid subject, in two thousand schools. The amount paid in fees for Irish in 1901 was £955, and in 1904 over £12,000. At the same time the multiplication of branches of the Gaelic League met with no check, and incitements, such as those of which specimens have been given, produced their effect in the in­creasing suppression of all public recognition of the Imperial Government in the more general imposi­tion of the Irish-language test in places where no Irish-speaking people exist, and, most significant of all, iu the boycotting of the police and the prosecu­tion of a zealous campaign against recruiting in the army and navy. The last-mentioned department of the work has been carried out most thoroughly by the Gaelic Athletic Associations, which Mr. O'Daly and other apologists declare to be in no way connected with the Gaelic League, but which Dr. Hyde has eulogised as representing on the physical side the development of the League's de-Anglicising prin­ciples. No part of the labours of the propagandists of the 'Irish Ireland,' for which Dr. Hyde and his associates has been more heartily welcomed, abroad and at home, by the enemies of British rule than the anti-enlistment movement.

"Mr. Long soon discovered, we presume, after he entered upon office, that he could not close his eyes as complacently as his predecessor had done to the effect of the teaching of Irish in the ele­mentary schools introduced to gratify the de-Anglicising apostles of the Gaelic revival. The special grant, which Mr. Bryce is now going to renew and extend, was withdrawn last autumn.

" The withdrawal of the grant drew an outburst of indignant protest from Dr. Hyde and his ' de-Anglicising' colleagues. The Strokestown branch of the Gaelic League fulminated a resolution de­claring that in view of the action of the Govern­ment 'it was the duty of all Gaelic Leaguers, although the Gaelic League is a non-political as­sociation, to be disloyal to that Government and her representatives in this country; to weaken its


132

De-A nglicisation

Gaelic Arts and Crafts

133

influence as far as possible; and, in particular, to use all their efforts to prevent all classes of our countrymen from enlisting in the British army'. At the same time, a resolution was passed that all names on carts, etc., should be painted in Celtic (sic) characters, and in Gaelic spelling, in defiance of the protests of the police that in this form they were not legible and were of no use for purposes of identification. Similar protests were multiplied in all quarters where anti-British influences were rife; but Mr. Long was, no doubt, aware that while the grant was still being paid, language quite as violent and intolerant—as many quotations given in these pages show—were (sic) of everyday occurrence.

" The evidence furnished above of the separatist tendency and purpose of the teaching of Irish, as advocated by the de-Anglicising leaders of the Gaelic League, ought not to be ignored by Mr. Bryce. It is drawn from the writings and speeches of the men themselves who are working to eradi­cate all forms of British influence and to create, by their own avowal, an Irish Ireland. With a very few exceptions, the extracts are from Nationalist journals entirely in sympathy with the aims of Dr. Douglas Hyde. Nearly all of them have been fre­quently reprinted, both in Nationalist and Unionist publications, and widely commented on ; nor am I aware of a single case in which their accuracy has been disputed. With proofs like these under his eyes, can the Chief Secretary persist in asserting that the Gaelic revival, which works for the ' de-Anglicisation ' of Ireland, is ' a wholesome thing' ?"

This lamentable effusion is based, of course, upon a singularly foolish and mischievous miscon­ception, namely, that in de-Anglicising their country the Gaels of Ireland are committing a species of crime against England. In undertaking to "govern" Ireland by "British" ideas, it was England that was the aggressor, inasmuch as the former country was bitterly opposed to her usurpation ; and in undoing the work of England in Ireland, the Gaels of that country are merely consulting their national honour and convenience. Similar principles are actively at work in Scotland, the aims and objects of both Gaelic movements being identically the same.
gaelic arts and crafts

JEWELLERY

It is obvious that anything like a technical treat­ment of this interesting subject would be singularly out of place in a purely literary publication of this kind. In the first place, this is not a journal of the applied arts ; and in the second, I have been given to understand that the object of these papers is not to afford technical instruction, which is easily ob­tainable elsewhere, but to rouse the modern Gaelic people to do something for, and by, themselves in respect of those arts and crafts for which their ancestors were justly celebrated.

This being so, and wisely so I think, it is obvious that any remarks I may make on the subject of Gaelic jewellery should be more or less confined to an appeal to the Gaelic public to follow in the footsteps of their ancestors, who acquired so great renown and fame by reason of their proficiency in this respect. There are many works dealing, some exhaustively and in a technical fashion, others in a manner purely popular, with Gaelic antiquities;

and for those whose interest and curiosity are of a more personal, practical and direct kind, there are our public museums and private collections. The would-be Gaelic craftsman, therefore, has abun­dant material at his disposal both in the shape of technical instruction and of concrete examples of the Gaelic jeweller's art. He has merely to rise superior to his circumstances in order to qualify himself in the direction indicated by these remarks. It is true, alas! that he must also set to work to educate his Anglicised countrymen up to a proper sense and appreciation of the beauty of Gaelic art, without which, I fear, he would, unless an individual of private ways and means, independent of his art, be like to starve. But I hold that true art, true beauty, joined to faultless execution, is never a drug, at all events for any long period of time, in the market. Genius is bound, sooner or later, to have its appropriate reward; and in the case of a Gaelic craftsman of parts, even though his country­men should refuse him honour in his own country, depend upon it the great world outside would neither be so foolish nor so illiberal as to deny him the applause and the profit which his genius deserves. Persons of taste and refinement, of whom there are, fortunately, more in the world than a superficial survey of modern arts and crafts would lead us to suppose, are ever on the lookout for new and striking work. The art collector, more­over, is generally cosmopolitan in his tastes and sympathies, and cares not whence an artistic object proceeds, so long as it satisfies his love of art, and fulfils the essential principles underlying the same.

There is no reason, therefore, why the Gaelic craftsman should not prosper abroad, if not in his own country. Beautiful objects are the same all the world over; and for my part I am disposed to think that the demand for costly works of art, in which individuality and excellence of execution play their appropriate parts, is decidedly on the increase. Whether this is a natural or a largely artificial demand, I shall not here stop to inquire. No doubt fashion has a good deal to do with the quickening of the public taste in this direction; but so far as the craftsman is concerned it cannot be doubted but that this improvement in the public taste, accompanied as it is with a general increase of the spending and purchasing capacities, tends to benefit the craftsman, to diffuse correct notions of art and to increase the vogue for good work.

As Scotland is a "nation" without possessing any of the essential symbols postulating nationhood, so are her arts and crafts similarly devoid of all truly national bias and signification. In arts she has ceased to be a nation, just as in politics she has ceased to be a nation. What art she has, just as what politics she may possess, are not Scottish, but British, or rather English attributes. The same decay which is observable in the political field, the same causes which have operated to deprive her of her political independence, and to reduce her to the dead level of her English neigh­bour—never a match for Scotland either in the strenuousness and vigour of her political life or in respect of the fertility and inventiveness of her artistic productions—have conspired to strip her of her national possessions and attributes. In other words, and more popular language, Scotland has been absorbed by England (whose livery the former now wears) "all along the line". No doubt it pleases us to imagine that this is not so; but the greater world without the boundaries of our three shores knows infinitely better, and merely laughs at us for our pains. The fact that a Scot here andj there rises to exceptional position in England, and the fact that our countrymen make successful colonists at "home" and abroad, no more mean* that Scotland dominates England, or that she is> free to follow her own devices, even in Scotland* than the appointment of a Scot to be head butler or door-keeper in a great English mansion couli| be construed as an act symbolising and securing, his control of that house and its inmates. The] vulgar jest (in Scotland) about Scotland " annex^ ing" England is not only pitiful but mischievous1 pleasantry, whose only possible effect can be to con­firm the popular English belief touching the quality of the humour which finds acceptance amongst us:. We have sold our birthright for a mess of pottage,-, and surely the least we can do is to swallow the: concoction, however disagreeable and humiliating it may be, without foolish grimaces—without quips and cranks which do but recoil on the dullards] and simpletons that egregiously utter them.

Our political situation, then, being what it is, our artistic status is a necessary consequence there^ of; for unless a people possesses the machinery of) government in its own hands, you cannot reason^ ably expect that people to preserve intact its. national characteristics and attributes. If history proves nothing else it certainly proves this. The general decline of Scotland from the world's national standard, its gradual loss of those national characteristics concerning which Lord Rosebery^ spoke with so much feeling, pathos and eloquence but a short time ago, is attributable entirely to this,, that Scotland has been largely absorbed by Eng^ land. Our independence as a nation has gone, and

with it, of course, the characteristics and attributes which constituted our nationhood, which were the spring of our independence, and which distinguished us from others. The signs and proofs of this de­cadence are general and far-reaching; and though pthey are not more striking and complete in respect ;of art than they are in regard to politics, yet the absence amongst us of all forms of art to which the •epithet " National" can justly be applied shows all L'too plainly how thorough and consistent our ab­sorption has been.

Regarded as a whole, the jewellery work of modern Scotland is absolutely featureless. The :best jewellery shops in London are undoubtedly [those which are either owned and staffed by ^Frenchmen, or which make a special feature of f -French products. English silversmith work main-plains its high reputation and its long-established [place in the affections of the English public; but ithe best jewellery is that which comes from Paris, tar is made in London from French designs and by French craftsmen. In Edinburgh and Glasgow a 'somewhat similar state of affairs prevails; but there is less French work and, consequently, less taste. The most of the articles displayed in the windows of the Edinburgh and Glasgow jewellers' windows hails from London, and is the work of English craftsmen; whilst no small part of it—and this applies to Scotland as a whole more particularly —emanates from the home of cheap production and artistic inefficiency—Birmingham. The predomin­ating influence in Scotland in regard to jewellery, las in respect of nearly everything else, is there­fore English ; and inasmuch as Scotland now draws tail her inspiration from that country—no longer Booking to the Continent for ideals, as for any interchange of principles and commodities, as she used to do—the marked inferiority of Scottish jewellery, as compared with English, is no doubt an inevitable consequence of the former country'* subordinate and provincial position. "Scottish" jewellery, in fine, is, artistically considered, but a negligible quantity; the best English jewellery goes to England: our share appears to consist mainly of the leavings of the London market.

The predominating influence in Scotland is, therefore, English; but there are two small " schools," if I may be permitted the expression, of the jeweller's art in our midst touching which a few observations should be made. The first of these "schools" is what is called the "Celtic"; the second being what I am tempted to describe as the " Thistle and Cairngorm," for want of a better appellation.

To take the last first, the vogue, almost entirely a popular and tourist one, for Cairngorms, thistles, and what is known as " Scotch jewellery " generally, would appear to be a growth of the cult of the low­land " Tradition ". This kind or " school" of art has no innate, inherent, no peculiar, or strictly national characteristics. It is simply based on sentiment of a somewhat "cheap" and crude kind. The common or shop-window thistle of silver or the really monstrous Cairngorm brooch appeal to a certain class of people (native and foreign) as being peculiarly " Scotch," though, of course, it is only owing to a somewhat elementary and unscientific association of ideas that they are at all considered to be so. One of the national emblems of Scotland is, no doubt, the thistle; and every one knows that the Cairngorm mountains produce the stone that goes by that name, though, by the way, but few of those which figure in the jeweller's shop windows hail from Caledonia. Still, " Scotch jewellery " is not a national form of art; it is created merely by the application of universal principles and the commonest art forms to objects and emblems which, rightly or wrongly, are supposed to be "Scotch". Moreover, the taste displayed by the makers of these trinkets—their intrinsic value is-as small as their execution, generally speaking, is mediocre—is rarely commendable, being little better than rustic. To say truth, considered as a national product " Scotch jewellery " is thoroughly contemp­tible ; and I really should blush for the Scot who, being asked by some foreigner of education and good taste to show him what Scotland can produce in the "department" of jewellery should have the temerity to recommend him some of this terrible stuff.The second of these " schools " is that known as the " Celtic " ; and it is as little possible to speak in complimentary terms about the one as it is to do so concerning the other. This " Celtic " work seems to depend for its existence upon the vogue for wearing the Scottish national dress ; and its head­quarters are in Glasgow and Edinburgh. In these two cities a certain number of craftsmen are kept permanently employed engraving shoulder brooches,

1

1 These remarks equally apply, of course, to Ireland. "Irish jewellery is in just as parlous a condition as Scottish, thanks en­tirely to the decay of national sentiment and self-respect in both countries. A traveller—a foreigner—once informed me that after looking at the priceless artistic treasures in the Dublin Museum, he came out and went into a jeweller's shop with the intention of purchasing some artistic memento of his visit. He was, of course, offered a collection of the veriest trash rang­ing from a pebble shamrock set in cheap gold down to a pig carved in bog oak ! A precisely similar state of affairs obtains in Scotland.

dirk handles, sgian dubhs, brogue buckles, sporan tops and the like, with designs which are morejoj less Gaelic. The demand for this kind of work is, therefore, to a large extent artificial. It does not spring from any particular acquaintance witjfl Gaelic art forms or love of the same for their own sakes; but depends upon the tailor's and haber­dasher's conception of what is proper and customary, in respect of certain accessories to the national dress. Nor, as a rule, is this kind of work marked by much individuality—much less originality. The ■designs chosen are invariably copied from existing examples, the majority of which are by no means amongst the most beautiful and characteristic of their kind. In fine, if I may paraphrase the re­mark of a certain famous statesman, who declared] that he approved of the Garter because there was

"no d d merit about it," my verdict on this]

kind of work would be that it is manifestly under­taken in obedience to the commercial instinct—

that there is, in short, no d d love of art

.about it at all.

Apart from the limited use made of a few of the' more "popular" features of Gaelic art, in the manner described above, I am not aware that this valuable national asset is being turned to account at the present day anywhere in Scotland or Ireland: Certainly, the general application of the principles underlying Gaelic art upon a scale which would suffice to make the effort a national industry is a thing unattempted in Scotland and Ireland, even if it be so much as yet dreamed of. The process of national reconstruction is necessarily slow, no doubt; yet I venture to think that our progress in that direction is out of all proportion to the means we possess for accomplishing the same. Few races can compare with ours in respect of the number -[and wealth of the materials which we possess for reconstructing our national life ; yet national assets, (moral and material) which peoples infinitely less favoured by God than ourselves may well envy us the possession of, we, the degenerate descendants of a race once famous for its moral and artistic achieve­ments seem incapable of turning to good account, [and would seem to be almost afraid to utilise for the benefit of mankind, as well as ourselves. The crowning glories of Gaelic art lie neglected in our' museums, and objects which it cannot be doubted any other people would long ago have freely availed themselves of in order to re-establish the principles. [upon which art amongst them should proceed, the^ [modern Gaelic race seems utterly incompetent to^ utilise. I make bold to say that had the English, or any other civilised people, possessed a tithe of Ithe art treasures which we as a nation possess, they would long ago have turned that priceless, legacy, not only to artistic, but to commercial account. In an age and in a country which is re­markable for the paucity and poverty of artistic achievement, in spite of the almost feverish demand which exists for artistic and original ideas, the dis­covery of means and resources such as those which the Gael of Scotland and Ireland fortunately pos­sess, though most improvidently and foolishly neglect, would inevitably be hailed as a national windfall of extraordinary importance, and almost unlimited value. Craftsman would vie with crafts­man in the production of works of art in which the essential principles of the national style should be 1 preserved : the public taste would quickly be edu­cated up to the point of creating a national demand for these costly and beautiful objects; and the­attention of collectors and art lovers in all parts of the world would speedily be directed with the most gratifying results to all concerned, to their many artistic excellencies and abounding beauties.

It is not too much to hope, I trust, that the Gaelic movement, which is at last beginning to show a wholesome and gratifying tendency to broaden its platform, so as to make it embrace the whole of our national life, will direct the attention of the people of Ireland and Scotland to the valu­able legacy which the ancient Gaelic craftsmen have bequeathed us. To foster a taste for Gaelic art is surely no less the business of our leaders than to encourage a love of Gaelic letters and learn­ing. The material advantages accruing from a propaganda in favour of Gaelic art in all its forms and manifestations attest a form of patriotism which possesses immense possibilities and innumerable attractions; but apart from the purely commercial view of such an undertaking, its educational value, considered in relation to our great self-imposed task of nation-building, or rather reconstruction, could hardly be exaggerated.

A. F.

gleann comhann

" Le'r cead, c'ait' am bheil Gleann Comhann, oir ehuala mi feadhainn a' bruidhinn air an là roimhe. An e àite ainmeil a th'ann ?"

Matà, m'eudail, tha'n t-àite ainmeil gu leòir; oir tha an Gleann fuaighte ri eachdraidh a tha cho tiamhaidh 's tha air chunntas. Tha Gleann Comhann suidhichte ann an taobh tuath Siorrachd

Erraghaidheal, a' sinneadh a suas an ear dheas bho thràigh Loch Leimhan.

Tha baile 'n cois na tràighe aig bràighidh a' chladdaich ris an cannar a' Chàrnach. Air taobh thall na h-aimhne, tha Taigh-mòr Inbher Chomhann agus Tòrr a' Chomhann air a chùlthaobh. A' leanailt an rathaid-mhòir, agus an deigh dhut dol thar drochaid Chomhann, 's e a' cheud bhaile-fearrain air an d'thig thu a' Chraoit. Tha Inbher Ioghain mu d'choinneamh air taobh eile na h-aimhne. Tha moran am beachd gur th'ann an so a bha Mac Mhic Iain a' fuirach aig àm a' mhuirt, air an d'thoir mi cunntas mu'n cuir crioch air mo sgeul. Tha rithist Achadh nan Con a suas roimhad air a' cheart taobh do'n amhainn air a bheil Inbher Ioghain. Cum air do cheum, agus thig thu dh'ionnsuidh Lic an Tuim. Air dhut Leac an Tuim 'fhàgail air do chùlthaobh, bithidh an àth stad agad aig Clachaig. Tha'm barrachd cothrom agad a nis air deadh shealladh 'fhaotainn air Achadh nan Con taobh eile na h-aimhne. So agad a nis, Clachaig. Rach a staigh, agus leig t'anail. Theid mise 'n urras dut gu'm faigh thu aoidheachd o bhean-an-taighe, oir bha an fheadhain a thainig mar a thainig ise ainmeil feadh na dùthcha airson cairdeas is caoimhneas ris a h-uile duine fiachail. Tog ort, a ris, agus bi a' triall. Nach b'fhior a thuairt mi riut gu'm faigheadh thu fàilte agus furan o bhean Chlachaig ? Gabh a nis air d'adhart, agus gabh beachd air an uamhas a tha romhad. So agad Lochan - Acha - Triachadain. Thoir sùil suas air do làmh dheas air a' bheinn uamhasach tha sud. Cha'n e 'mhàin gu bheil i na 's direiche na saighead, ach 's ann a tha i ag aomadh a mach bho a mullach air dhòigh agus nach b'urrain do dhuine 's am bith direadh a suas rithe. Ach seall a nis air an fhosgladh a tha 'na cliabh, leth an rathaid gu mullach : so agadsa, a Mhic chridhe, Uamh Oisein Mhic Fhionn. Suas, direach romhad, chi thu an "t-Innein," agus air do làmh dith tha 'n " Eigin" agus " Bidan na. Miann". Tha na ceudan do luchd-turuis as a. h-uile ceàrn de Rionn-Eorpa, agus à America a' tighinn a h-uile bliadhna a ghabh beachd air an uamhas-nàduir 'tha an Gleann so a' nochadh: a h-uile air a bhi air tàladh le eachdraidh thiamhaidh " Murt Ghlinne Comhann ".

Ciod a nis air beachd a b'aobhar do'n droch-dhiol a chaidh a dheanamh air sluagh a' Ghlinne aig àm a' Mhuirt ? Mo cheisd ! Is iomadach aobhar a tha air a thagradh ; ach 's ann Dia a mhàin a tha bràth ! Bhiodh nàimhdean muinntir a' Ghlinne a' cuir na braide as an leth. Co dhiù, tha e fior 's nach 'eil's ann aig an fhortan mhòr a tha bràth. Anns na làithean a dh'fhalbh, bha nàimhdeas mòr eadar muinntir Lochabar agus muinntir Ghlmne Comhann. Cha'n fhaigheadh an Gleann ainm a b'fhearr o na h-Abaraich na " Gleann Comhann Slochd domhain na Meirleach "; ach fhreagaradh muinntir a' Ghlinne le bàrdachd ghrinn, agus their­eadh iad, a toirt do na h-Abaraich comain an làmh:—

" A bhriogaisag chloimhach, cha'n eil i 'Ghleann-Comhann,

Cha ghoidadh iad gnothach cho suarach 'S ann tha i an Lochabar aig Sliochd nam fear-bradach

Aig Ailein 'ga fallach's na bruachan."

Agus, gus an latha an diugh, seadh, ann an suain thruim a' bhàis, ann an cladh Eilean Mhuna, tha iad 'nan sineadh, fo'n fhòid, fada bho chèile aig dà cheann an Eileain. Gun amharus, bha 'bhraid air a cuir as leth Cloinn Dòmhnuill a' Ghlinne.. Bhiodh na Caimbeulaich—muinntir Bhraid-Albann agus Earraghaidheal—seadh, agus mòran eile, a' cuir oirre gu'm biodh iad a' togail cruidh agu& spreidh agus iomadh ni eile nach buineadh dhoibh fèin—a dh'aon fhocal gu'n robh iad mi-chuimhnach air aithne a tha 'ràdh "na dean gadachd". Co dhiù 'bha Cloinn Dòmhnuill a' Ghlinne bradach no gadach, bu mhath an leisgeul e gus an cuireadh as doibh. Tha mo bharail fèin agus mo bheachd agam air a' chuis. Ged a chaidh Mac Mhic Iain a h-uile ceum do dh'Inbheraora a thoirt a mhionnan, agus a nochadh ùmhlachd do'n Righ ùr a bha'nn, bha e air dheireadh, bha tuille 's fada. Chaidh a bhinn, agus binn a shluaigh a thoirt a mach. Bu " Phàpanach " e ! B'ann do'n Eaglais a shuidhich Iosa Criosda air thalamh e. A dh'aon fhocal, b'e a Chreideimh a dhith e !

Ciod an dearbhadh a th'agad air a bharail so ? Tha beul-aithris an t-shluaigh ! Tha e fior gu leòir nach 'eil so air ainmeachadh ann am paipeirean diomhair na rioghachd. Ach mar a thuirt daoine foghluimte riumsa, bha e furasda gu leòir so a chleith ann am paipeirean diomhair na rioghachd aig an àm. Eisd ris na briathran so. Sgriobh mi a dh'ionnsuidh an Athar Stephenson nach mairean mu'n cheart ghnothach so. Cha robh ann fear a b'eòlaiche air cuisean na h-Alba na esan. Ciod a thubhairt e ? " Neither Dairymple nor Macpherson tells us anything for or against the Catholicity of the Macdonalds of Glencoe. My impression always was that religion had a great deal to do with the massacre. The question of religion could easily be given the go-bye in such an investigation."

D

'Nuair a chuir an duine grinn, còir, an Ridire Eanrig Creag, a mach 'eachdraidh na h-Alba, bha e 'labhairt air a' cheart àm ud. Sgriobh mi d'a ionn-suidhsan cuideach, agus is i so an fhreagairt a thug e dhomh. " I cannot say that I have come upon any proof that religion had any decisive part in the Glencoe affair. No doubt it served to swell the prejudice against the cian, but I do not think that at that moment religious motive was very promi­nent in the minds of any of those responsible for Scottish affairs."

Mar a thuairt mi cheana, tha beul-aithris sluagh na dùthcha diorrasach, diongmhalta mu'n chuis. A thuilleadh air a so, tha'm Bàrd Mucanach a rinn Marbhrann Murt Ghlinne Comhann a' nochadh a chreideas so, 'nuair a tha e a' seinn :—
" Lamh Dhè leinn a shaoghail! Tha thu carach, mar chaochla nan sion,

A ni nach guidheamaid fhaotainn Mar na sruithibh ag aomadh a nios.

'S i chneidh fein, thar gach aobhar Bhios gach duine ri caoine, 's e tinn,

Breith Mhic-Samhuin air Saoidhean Tigh'nn a ghleachd riunn a thaobh cul-ar-cinn.

A Righ ! fheartaich na greine

Tha'n Cathair na /eile, dean sith Ri cloinn an fhir a bha ceutach

Nach bu choltach ri feile fir chrion. 'N uair a thogte leat bratach,

Croinn chaola, fraoch daithta, agus piob Bhiodh mnai ghaoil, le fuaim bhàs

A' caoidh laoich nan arm sgaiteach 's ann stri.

Gu'n robh aigne duin 'uasail

Aig a bhad' agus uaithe a' d'choir

Cha b'i gheire gun tuigse Bha sa bheul bu neo-thuisliche gloir

Ceann na ceille's na cuideachd Rinn na h-eacoraich cuspair dheth t-fheoil

Cha b'e'm breugair' a mhurtadh Le luchd sheideadh nam pluicean air stòl.

Ach fear mor bu mhath cumadh Bu neo-sgathach an curaidh gun ghiomh

Cha robh barr aig mac duine ort Ann an ailleachd, 's an uirghiollach cinn. Anns a' bhlar bu mhath t-fhuireach

Chosnadh làrach, as urram do'n righ, Mo sgread chraiteach am fulachd !

A bha 'n tigh chlaraidh 'n robh furan nam pios.

Cha robh do chridhe mar dhragon 'Tarrainn slighe na h-eucoir a' d'churs

'S tu le' d'chlaidheamh ag eiridh

As leth t-athar's righ Seumas a Chruinn Cait' an Albuinn's an Eirinn

Luchd a thaghaich, 's a reiteach do chuis Bi'dh là eile ga dheuchainn

'S tus' ad laidhe gun eisdeachd fo'n ùir.

B'iad mo ghradh na cuirp gheala Bha gu fuighantach, fearail, neo-chrion,

'S mairg a chunnaic 'ur n-uaislean Dol fo bhinn 'ur luchd-fuatha gun dion;

Ach na'm bitheamaid 'nar n-armaibh Mu'n do chruinnaich an t-sleag air an tir

Bhiodh luchd chotaichean dearga Gun dol tuilleadh do dh'armailt-an-righ.

Cha robh gnothach aig leigh

'Dhol a leigheas nan creuchd nach robh slàn A' call am fala fo'n leintean

Bha na fir bu mhor feil ri luchd-dhàn Nam b'e cothrom na feinne

Bhiodh eadar sibh fhein's clann na Ghall Bhiodh eoin mhollach an t-sleibhe

Gairsinn salach air chreabhagan chaich.

Cha b'e cruadal an cridhe Thug dhaibh buannachd air buidheann mo rùin

Tilgeadh luaidhe na cithibh 'S sibh, mo thruaighe ! gun fhios air a chuis

Eadar uaislean a's mhithibh ~-J$ \ t Gun robh bhuaidh ud a' ruith oirnn o thus

O'n i 'n uaigh ar ceann-uidhe Bi'dh na sluaisdean a frithealadh dhuinn.

Cha b'i sid an fhuil shalach 'Bha ga taomadh mu'n talamh sa Ghleann

'S a luithad ùmaidh mar ghearan A bha cuir fudair na dheannaibh mu'r ceann ; A Righ dhulaich nan aingeal! Gabhsa curam d'ur n-anam's sibh thall

Chaidh 'ur cunntas an tainead Le garbh dhusgadh na malairt a bh'ann.
Thrus do chinneadh r'a cheile,

Dheanamh coinneamh an dè anns an Dùn

Ach cha d'aithris thu sgeula Fhir a b'urrainn a reitach gach cuis Ite dhaingean na'm beuma

'S am baranta treun air an cùl Bi'dh la eile ga fheuchainn

'S mise druidte fo dheile's an 'ùir.

Cha bu chocairean gioraig

Chumail comhnard an slinnein ro chach; O'n la thoisich an iomairt Chaill clann Domhnuil ceann-fine no dha : 'N gleacair òg 'ur ceann-cinnidh 'Chuir a dhochas 'an smioraibh a chnàmh

Gheibheadh cocaire bioradh Rogha spoltaich o spionnadh a laimh.

Luchd a thragadh nam buideal Bheireadh earrach air ruban de'n fhiòn,

'N uair a tharladh sibh cuideachd Bu neo-bhruideal mu'n chupan ud sibh

Ag iomairt thaileasg, a's chluichibh Air a chlar bu neo-thru'ail ùr gniomh

Cha bu chearr a measg truid sibh 'N àm paidheadh na cuideachd's g'an diol.

Gu'm beil mise fo mhulad

Ag amharc 'ur gunnaidh 'air steile

Sàr ghiomanaich ullamh Leis an cinneadh an fhuil anns a bheinn Ann a frith nan damh mullaich Far an deante leibh munasg air seilg, Ge bu tric sibh gan rusgadh Cha d'iarr sibh riamh cunntas's na beinn.

Cha bu sgathairean gealtach Bhiodh a' maoitheadh an gaisge gach là

Tha's eilean na'n cadal

Nach duisg gus a faicear am bràth Luchd dhireadh nan eit-bheann

Le'n cuilbhiarean gleusta na'n laimh

'S lionmhor fear nach d'rinn eiridh Bha na ghiomanach trèum air a h-earr.

Righ ! gur mis 'tha for airtneul Ri àm dhomh bhi faicinn 'ur beann 'S cha lugha mo churam Ri bhi' g'amharc 'ur dutchannan thall Mar bitheadh mar thachair

'S ann leamsa gun b'ait bhi dol ann, Gus an tainig a chreach oirnn

Mar gun tuiteadh a chlach leis a ghleann.

'S iomadh fear tha thoirt sgainneil

Do'n tighearn òg air an fhearann so thall,

Eadar ceann Locha-Rainaich.

Rugha Shleibhte, 's bun Gharaidh nam beann

Bha thu feicheannach daingean

Far an eiste ri d'theangaidh an cainnt Mar urbal peucaig gu tarrainn, 'S mar ghath reubaidh na nathrach gu call.

Leum an stiuir bharr a claiginn

Le muir suigh, 's gun sinn ath-chainnteach dho

Dh'fhalbh na croinn, 's na buill-bheairte

'S leig sinn uallach na slait air a sgòd. 'S bochd an dusgadh's a mhaduinn

So fhuair sinn gu grad a theachd oirnn 'S ma gheibh sinn ùine ri fhaicinn

Bheir sinn fncadh mu seach air chlo."

Nach briagha am Marbhrann a rinn am bàrd Mucanach; ach cia mar tha'm marbhrann a' seol-tainn ciod a b'e creideimh muinntir Ghlinne Comhann ? 'Bheil thusa 'ghraidh! gun tiugse, gun tur-nàdair ? Nach cual 'thu mar a thuairt e:—

" A Righ fheartaich na greine ! Tha'n Cathair na fèile, dean sith Ri cloinn an fhir a bha ceutach

Nach bu choltach ri fèile fir chriom"

'■ 'Bheil thu am beachd, na'n duil, gu'm biodh e a' guidhe airson feadhnach nach robh a' creidsinn ann an staid Mheadhonach an taobh thall na h-uaghach ?" " Seadh gu dearbh, cha tug mi sinn fanear. A nis thugaibh cunntas air each­draidh mhuirt o thùs a' ghnothaich."

" 'S e sin, a Ruin, tha mi nis a dol a dheanamh gun mhoille."

Aig àm an " Ath-leasachaidh" (ma tà, gu 'dearbh, is neonach am focal e) dhlùth-lean cuid mhòr de Chinn-feadhna na Gàidhealtachd ris an t-seann chreidheamh a thainig a nuas o làithean N. Challum Chille, agus shiorbhuanaich iad anns a' chreidheamh so fad nan linntean, ged a shaoil le roinn mhòr do dùthaich gu'n deachaidh an creidh-eamh so a " leasachadh " le feadhainn a fhuair coire do dh'obair Chriosda.

'S ann mar so a bha cùisean an uair a chaill I Seumas an Crùn. Thàinig a nis, Màiri nighean Sheumais, agus a fearpòsda Uilleam as an Ollaint thun a' Chrùin. Agus ma thàinig, bu mhòr an diubhail! An deigh Blàr na Buinne ann an Erinn, gheall Uilleam gu'm biodh e 'n a chùl-taice do'n chreidheamh Phrostanach, agus anns a' ghealltanas so, cha d'thug mionnan-eithich. Cha'n 'eil mi 'n ion innseadh an dioll a rinn e air na h-Eireannaich. •S leòir leam cunntas a thoirt air a ghiùlan anns 'an dùthaich so fèin. Chuir Uilleam a mach achd ag orduchadh gu'n d'thugadh na cinn-feadhna mionnan-dilseachd d'a reachd, agus gu'n strioch-adh iad dhasan roimh 'n 'cheud là do mhios deir­eannach a' Gheamhraidh anns a' bliadhna 1692. Uidh air n'uidh, agus fear an deigh fir, striochd na cinn-feadhna do'n reachd so, ged nach b'ann le 'n toil. B'e Mac Mhic Iain Ghlinne Comhann am fear mu dheireadh a gheill. Thog e air do

Ghearrasdan-Dubh-Inbherlochaidh, ach ma thog bha e air dheireadh. Cha robh ùgdaras aig an oifigeach a bha 'sa Ghearrasdan a mhionnan a ghabhail. Cha robh comas air, agus cha robh air ach falbh air a cheum do bhaile Inbheraora, le teisteanas sgriobhta gu'n do nochd e e fèin ann an àm iomchuidh anns a' Ghearrasdan.

B'e sin an latha mòr—cur is cuidhe agus gaoth 'ga reodh. 'Nuair a ràinig e bail'-an-t-siorraimh, cha mhòr nach robh e air 'mheilachadh leis an fhuachd. Thug e air an t-siorraimh a mhionnan a ghabhail. Ach ma thug, bha 'bhinn air a toirt a mach cheanna. Thill an ceann-feadhna mi-fhor-j tanach dhachaidh, làn-chinnteach gun d'rinn e a~ shith ris a' chrùn, cha'n ann a mhàin air a shon-fèin, ach airson a luchd-cinnidh cuideachd. 'S gann gu'n deachaidh aona mhios seachad, 'nuair a thàinig Capt. Caimbeul Ghlinne-Leomhan le frei­ceadan shaighdairean do Ghleann Comhann. B'e an leisgeul a bh'aca gu'n tàinig iad a thogail cis teachd-a-staigh agus càin eile. 'Nuair a fhoighnich Mac Mhic Iain dhiubh co dhiù a thàinig iad mar chàirdean no mar nàimhdean, fhreagair an Caim-beulach agus thuirt e gu'n d'thàinig iad mar chàirdean agus mar choimhearsnaich, agus thug e 'fhocal nach èireadh cron sam bith d'a fèin no d'a _ chinneadh. Air tàille a' ghealltanais so, chuir cloinn Dòmhnuill fàilt' agus furan orre, agus fad cheithir-là-deug, fhuair iad aoidheachd gun choimeas o fhir Ghlinne Comhann.

Mu dheireadh thall thàinig oidhche a' mhi-fhortain, chruaidh ! An deigh do Mhac Mhic Iain agus do'n Chapt. Chaimbeul an latha 'chaithe an cuideachd a chèile, dhealaich iad mu sheachd uairean na h-oidhche le mùirn 's le meas do gach a chèile. 'Nuair a thug Mac Mhic Iain fanear gu'n robh am freiceadan a fàsa meudachadh, bhuail amharas air gu'n robh foill agus cealgaireachd anns a' chuis. Ach, cha'n èisdeadh athair no a bhrathair ri droch-amharus 'sam bith an aghaidh onair Fir Ghlinne-Leomhain. Chuala Iain agus Alasdair, mic Mhic 'ic Iain na saighdearean a' •deanamh eagar nach robh an gnothach a' tighinn riu idir, gu'n robh iad deònach gu leòir seasadh aghaidh-ri-aghaidh ri fir a' Ghlinne ; ach gur h-e ni nar tamailteach a bh'ann 'tighinn orre bho chùl an cinn. Tha beul-aithris an t-shluaigh ag innseadh dhuinn gu'n robh a' chùis a chuir air fear de na saighdearan cho trom 's gun d'iarr e air fear-an-taighe 'tighinn ceum a mach leis, ach a chionn 's gun robh e air mhionnan nach abaireadh e dig, labhair e mar so ri clach mhòr a bha mu •choinneamh :—

" A chlach ghlas a tha sa' Ghleann Ge mòr do chòir a bhi ann 'Nam b'fhios duit an nochd mar thachras 'S cinnteach nach fanadh thu ann ".

Thuig an Comhannach as, agus ghabh e direach a dh'ionnsuidh Mhic 'ic Iain, agus dh'innis e dha mar a thacair. Dh'iarr Mac Mhic Iain air a chuid ghillean sùil a thoirt a mach fiach gu dè a chith­eadh iad. Ach mu'n deachaidh iad ach glè ghoirid, ■chunnaic agus chual' iad am pailteas. Mu'n do thill iad a dh'innseadh do'n Athair, chunnaic iad gu'n robh an taigh air chuartachadh leis na saigh-dairean. Chual' iad urchraichean na gunnachan am measg glaodh, caoidh agus gal agus bas-bhualadh na mnathan agus na cloinne. Bha iad gu tur neo-dheas gu stri ris na saighdairean a bha uile fo airm. Chaidh na saighdairean a staigh do sheomar Mhic 'ic Iain; loisg iad air, chaidh an urchair roimh a chlaigeann, agus thuit e marbh
an uchd a mhnatha. Chaidh a nis an ceòl feadh
na fidhle. Thoisich a' chasgairt. Mu'n robh e sia.
uairean's mhadainn, chaidh dà fhicead Comhannach
a chuir do'n t-siorruidh. Chaidh na taighean a
chuir ri theanadh. Bha freiceadan làidir anns gachj
bealach; cha b'urrainnear do na diol-dèirce thruaghag
'teicheadh taobh 's am bith. Bha sneachda trom
air a' bhlàr. Cha robh e 'n an comas dol a mach
ri bealach an Innean, na idir ri Gleann-lic-na-
muidhe. Chaidh na bh'aca ris an t-shaoghal a,
thogail. Chaidh an cuid cruidh agus chaorach,
agus gach sprèidh a bh' shaodachadh as a'

Ghleann. 'S e so is ciall do'n phort:—

"A mhnathan a' Ghlinne so, Ghlinne so, Ghlinne

so,

A mhnathan a' Ghlinne so 's minig dhuibh èiridh,

Tha'n crodh air togail, Tha crodh air an togail,.

Tha crodh air an togail, 'S Fir air an rèabadh ".

Chaidh na saighdairean a staigh do gach taigh far nach d'fhag iad ach banntraichean agus dilleach^ dain. Ann an taigh a bha sud, theich giullan beag fo'n leabaidh; agus 'nuair a dh'iarr na saigh­dairean air tighinn a mach, fhreagair e agus thuairt e..

" Stad gus a criom mi mo chnàimh." 'S coltach ris gun robh an giullan a criom cnàimh feòla, 'nuair a bhuail na saighdairen a staigh. Chunnaic oifigachj bean bhronach, thruagh, 'n a seasamh am fasgadh! craige, agus leanaibh air a gairdean. Air ball, thug-e òrdugh do dh'fhear d'a chuid dhaoine, falbh agus cuir as do'n phaisde ma 's e leanaibh-gille bh'ann. 'S e leanaibh gille a bh'ann da rireamh; ach bha'n saighdairen bàigheil blàth-chridheach, agus cha a>!

chridhe aige dochair a dheaneamh air an leanaibh. [Thill e thun a chomanndair, agus dh'innis e mar a bha a' chùis. Fhuair e òrdugh e dhol air ais. I agus an leanaibh a mhurt, agus mar bharantas; [gu'n do choimhlion e a dhleasnas, bha e ri a chlaidh­eamh a nochadh do'n oifìgach smeurda le fuil an leinibh. Ach mo thuaighe! bha'n t-òrdugh cruaidh, agus bu chruaidh chridheach am fear a thug e. Ach cha robh comas air. Dh'fhalbh an saighdear le cridhe trom, ach, 'nuair a bha e faisg [air bean a' mhi-fhòrtain agus a' chruaidh-fhortain, thug e an aire gu'n robh cuilean beag a cuir furan lair, 's e 'n a sheasamh aig casan na mnàtha. " So [mo chothrom ! " arsa saighdear ris fèin. Thug e a. chlaidheamh as a thruail, agus spàrr e troimh 'n ichù e. Agus le glòir, mar gu'm b'eadh, agus le miad-mhòr, thug e a chlaidheamh smeurda le fuil a dh'ionnsuidh a' chapitain, a bha làn-thoilichte gu'n deachaidh òrdugh a choimhlionadh. Mòran bhliadhnaichean an deigh so, chunnacas fior-sheann duine a' gabhail an rathaid ann an Strath na h-[Apuinn. 'S e bial na h-oidhche bh'ann. Bha [frasan sneachd agus glib a' spùtadh a nuas thar monaidhean Chinn a' Ghearrloch. Cha robh an seann duine ach fann. Bha e 'n a choigreach 'n a (dhùthaich fèin. Thàinig an oidhche. 'S i oidhche (bhreun, dhorcha, fhuar a bh'ann. Cha robh an rathad ach leth-oireach ; ach chunnaic an seann [duine solus fada bhuaidh; ach ged a bha, cha b' jfhada 'g a ruighinn e. B' e so taigh Dhail na [Tràighe. Mu dheireadh, ràinig e taigh na h-aoid-heach, agus fhuair e fàilt' a chuir blas air cochall a chridhe. Ach mu'n deach e staigh, sheas e air a' stairsneach, agus bheannaich e an taigh a rèir an t-seann chleachdadh Ghàidhealach :—


156

Gleann Comhann

A Millionaire and His Money 157


" Beannaichear an taigh's na bheil ann, Eadar fhiodh, is chlach' 'is chrann, Mòran bidh, pailteas aodaich 'S slàinte dhaoine dha na bheil ann ".

An deigh dha suidhe sios, agus greim bidh a' ghabhail, thoisich a' chracaireachd agus an còm­hradh. Thug an sean duine cunntas air a chaithe-beatha. Bha e 's an armdearg; agus ged a bha, bha e 'diugh gun dachaidh gun charaid ris an t-shaoghal. Thuig fear-an-taighe gu'm b'e so fear de mhurtairean Ghlinne Comhann, agus bha e a' beachd cuir as da. Ach sheòl an sean duine, nach bu Chaimbeulach e, agus nach do dhòirt boinne fala anns a' ghleann. Dh'innis e mar a chaomhainn beatha 'n leinibh air gualann na màthar-mhi-fhort-anach thruaighe, ged a fhuair e òrdugh a chuir gu bàs. Dh'atharraich fear-an-taighe a bheachd, an àite a chore a chuir ann, 's ann a leum e suas, chuir .a làmh mu mhuineil an t seann duine agus phòg e e. Dh'innis e dha gu'm b'esan an leanaibh, agus gu'm bu tric a dh'innis a mhàthair dha a' sgeula cheudna. Fhuair an sean duine dachaidh bhlàth an oidhche sud, agus gach latha's oidhche fhad's" a bha beò.

Theich fear de ghillean Mhic 'ic Iain a nun thar Torr a' Chomhann, agus a suas an Gearraileas. Thill e air ais ri taobh a' chladaich, agus shnàmh ■e thar Port Eachain, agus thug e a chasan as, le sgeula thiamhaidh, a suas a dh'ionnsuidh a chàirdean agus luchd-dàimh do 'n Cheapach, agus do Ghleann a' Gharraidh. Dh'fhiach cuid de luchd-sgriobhaidh Eachdraidh ris a choire a thogail thar ghuailean an Dudsich; ach cha do bhuannaich leo; ghèill iad gu builleach. Mur a robh e cionntach, c' arson nach do smachdaich e an fheadhain a rinn a leithid de ghniomh thamailteach 'n a ainm ?

Bha na Caimbeulaich mar a bha iad, agus fhuair iad droch ainm gu leòir; ach an deigh sin, 's dha dheth, cha robh iad ach umhal do chumhachd a b'àirde.

GiLLEASPUiG Mac Dhòmhnuill Mhic Eoghain.
a millionaire and his money

There is a homely saying to the effect that Satan always finds work for idle hands to do; and we presume that it is owing to some recent canvassing of Mr. Carnegie's leisure, on the part of the Uni­versal Provider, that the millionaire in question has started his tiresome spelling-reform craze. We cannot say that we are particularly concerned with this latest (American) "crusade," or much enam­oured of the means whereby Mr. Carnegie proposes to accomplish his object, whatever precisely that maybe. To bribe a certain number of "popular authors " to adopt the form of spelling favoured by the Pittsburg-Skibo millionaire is, no doubt, one way of "popularising" ideas which would appear to possess intrinsically little to recommend them; but we are bound to acknowledge that the means employed strike us as crude and vulgar, though, no doubt, the critics are correct in describing them as " characteristically American ". Still, Mr. Carnegie, his dollars and cantrips are really no affair of ours.. It is true that the Yankee millionaire in question maintains what the newspapers call a "palatial residence " in the Gàidhealtachd ; and inasmuch as he has one foot on Scottish soil as it were, perhaps, in view of his colossal wealth, some small curiosity as to his actions and utterances is inevitable, if not

158 A Millionaire and His Money

excusable. Touching, however, Mr. Carnegie's "views" (as those of any similar person) on the subject of spelling reform we are, of course, pro­foundly indifferent. After all, so far as the English language is concerned, that is an " auld sang "; and the phoneticians were in the field long before millionaire Carnegie began to acquire the rudi­ments of that system which he is now seeking to overthrow. In the matter of spelling reform, there­fore, the English language may, we think, safely be left to shift for itself. It has done very fairly well without Andrew Carnegie from Casdmon down­wards ; and as outsiders and spectators we think it would be a mistake and a pity if, after so long a period, it were suddenly to become nervous about spelling. The indiscretion in question would, in our view, be considerably aggravated if the cause of that obsession were merely Andrew Carnegie.

It would appear, however, that apart from spell­ing reform, free libraries and church organs Mr. Carnegie is a man of ideas. It seems that his spelling-reform crusade is merely a means to an end—a cloak for " world-wide " designs. Though an American citizen, the great man imitates the Birmingham Solomon in "thinking imperially". In the matter of the English language he is a full-blooded Jingo, with a touch of the Monroe brush. He is a rollicking shiver-my-timbers student of the bluest linguistic British "blue-water school". In fine, he is panting to see the English language made universal.

We have heard it said of old time that there is no royal road to learning : let us fervently hope that, in spite of ominous indications to the con­trary, there is as yet no plutocratic path to the realisation of " dreams " such as these. Mr.

A Millionaire and His Money 159

Carnegie's dismal and dreary aspirations indeed provide melancholy reading. The Socialist view that the millionaire is a species of monster, which ■society should not tolerate for an instant, is likely to become yet more popular, and in quarters hither­to regarded as impervious to Socialistic influences, in consequence of the postures of the American iron king. For our own part we are disposed to regard any millionaire, however humble and re­tiring, as a species of blot or stain upon civilisation. But when, to the possession of almost unlimited wealth, there is added crude and mischievous ideas of the sort nourished by this Mr. Carnegie, and a bold and advertising carriage to boot, it is obvious that the resulting danger to society becomes enor­mously intensified. May the day soon come when the very name of millionaire will stink in the nostrils of all right-thinking men!

But, fortunately, there is good ground for believing that we are inclined to take Carnegie and his millions somewhat too seriously. "The idea that this reform, or any other," cries the London Standard, " will make English a universal language is a vain imagining." " In language, as in politics," says the same organ, " the universal tendency is to­wards nationalism." It is obvious, therefore, that even in the opinion of those to whom Mr. Carnegie's "dreams" must necessarily appear flattering, the great man has been reckoning without his host— without the spectre which has stolen, uninvited, to the feast of peoples and to the flow of souls, and now sits, silent but watchful and potential, at the head of the table—Nationalism.

It must be disconcerting to an individual like Mr. Carnegie, who probably prides himself upon his modernity, suddenly to discover that, whilst he i6o A Millionaire and His Money

has been endowing libraries, bestowing organs, and generally interesting himself in parochial affairs, ins pursuance of his own heroic self-imposed mission; of dying less rich than other people have made him, to discover that the old enemy of strenuous] middle-aged righteousness (in the shape of time] and the progress of events) has been stealing a. march on him. What cry in point of agony and bitterness can compare with that of him who hath, been born out of due season, or whose ideas are] stored up where moth and rust doth corrupt and;; where thieves break through and spoil ì It is true] that Mr. Carnegie's occupation as millionaire has] not yet gone—the economy of Nature is so won-; derfully kind, so happily thoughtful as ever to! find employment for the rich. But together with, his trade, profession—call it what you will—of millionaire, it is but too apparent that his ideas are' falling out of date. With his head buried deep; in the philological sands that strew the howling] wildernesses of the English language, Mr. Carnegie? has neither seen nor heard the rapid and stealthy approach of the arch-enemy of his ideas—Time.1 Time says that if a fool and his money must parta company, he at all events will have nothing what-i ever to do with the affair. Time says too (and he] is no flatterer) that as millionaire and as statesman-or reformer Andrew Carnegie is grievously out of' date. Whilst Mr. Carnegie has been laboriouslyj criticising the spelling of the signs of the times, Time himself has been playing leap-frog over the-Yankee's accommodating back. He has decreed! the flowing of yet another tide in the changeful affairs of men, whereby not only are all Mr. Car­negie's pet cargoes threatened with speedy ship­wreck, but the millionaire himself is in danger ofj

A Millionaire and His Money 161

being swamped, if not of drowning. After all, 'millionaire though he is, is there not something almost pathetic in the spectacle of this Yankee Jingo-■receiving a sound ducking ? Such treatment must be sadly perplexing and disconcerting to one whose ■mental merchandise—limited though it is as to 'quality and quantity—has hitherto found favour 'under that clause in the world's great intellectual 'tariff which goes by the name of "the most-favoured-individual clause ".

" In language, as in politics," says the English 'newspaper, "the universal tendency is towards 'nationalism." How we thank thee for that state­ment, Saxon journal!—the more remarkable, the [more convincing, the more amazing, inasmuch as it hails from London—from Tory and " Imperial" England! Time was, and but comparatively recently, when we who held that theory were 'laughed at for our pains. The world, we were told, 'was not panting to be made free, but slaves. The 'smaller nations were not fearful of their national [rights and liberties: they were merely waiting in the pleased expectancy of being sooner or' later "absorbed" by some one or other of those dis­graceful national hooligans whose bloated arma­ments stain our Christianity, and constitute the danger of the world. "The 'dying' and 'little' nations," we were smugly told, "have had their way"—just God ! reveal to us who sit in darkness and in the shadow of ignorance when dawned that bright and joyous day!- " Csesarism, imperialism, is the spirit of the age," And now at last the iwriting on the wall has been interpreted for all to mear and understand. The horrid nightmare of iCsesarism—the reign of might-is-right, long over-[past, thank God! so far as the individual is con-

162 A Millionaire and His Money

cerned—is drawing to its stated and inevitable close. The erstwhile serf and slave, whose cruel and degrading shackles the civilised world long since indignantly struck off in the pious names of Christianity and civilisation, now communicates the fervour of his love of liberty and hatred of a foreign yoke to his fellow-countrymen—to his nation. The democracy of the world, no longer the sport of faction or the obedient servile instrument of selfish kings and courts, is rapidly acquiring a proper sense of its responsibilities and powers. " Live and let live!" it cries, with ever-increasing emphasis and startling articulateness. " Hands off humanity !" the mighty shout goes up. " Death to the tyrants—destruction to the peace-breakers! Society has long known how to deal with the in­dividual murderer and robber : we mean to show the way how to cut off and root out the thief and the assassin en masse.' " God grant it may soon be so !

And we also (the Gael of Scotland) have a birthright to defend. We have our language to preserve—that tongue without which our nation­ality can be but as sounding brass and tinkling cymbal, or

" Mar sguel a dh'innseadh ". Our language, fortunately, is a fine one, polished, refined, of great antiquity, useful, expressive, flex­ible, musical, copious, adaptable ; and, as the Chief Secretary for Ireland recently said in the House of Commons, it is further blessed in possessing a rich and varied literature. But even if it were none of these good things—supposing it were comparatively modern, had little or no literature, sounded harsh to the ears of the alien and the stranger, and lacked polish and refinement—suppose, instead of

Dà Shaobh-Chreidimh 163

occupying a high place in the great aristocracy of tongues, it were a small unimportant speech, and not particularly regarded—still it would be our bounden duty to cleave to it, to love and cherish it, because God gave it to us; because it is ours, and because it is the badge, the outward and visible sign of our nationality. These are the sentiments which should inspire every patriotic Gaelic heart. From this point of view, and from this point of view alone, should we approach the discussion of all questions affecting the welfare of our language and race. Men may come and men may go, dynasties may rise and fall, empires may languish and decline, government officials and pedants may prove openly hostile or secretly indifferent, may rail and pro­test against our tongue or damn it with faint praise, but the duty of the people of Scotland and Ireland in any event and at all hazards is to see to it that, humanly speaking, and so far as they can secure it, the grand old language of the Gael goes on for ever.
da shaobh-chreidimh

Anns na Unnibh a dh'aom, chaidh uair eiginn leabhar araidh, ainmeil, a chur a mach, ris an abrar anns a' Bheurla Popular Supei^stitions. Anns a' chruinneachadh so, gheibhear a' mhòr chuid de na saobh-chreidimh leis am bheil daoine air am mealladh, 's air an cur am mearachd a ghnàth, agus sin an tomhas ro mhòr. Gu cinnteach, is iomadh ni a tha's an t-saoghal air fada, d'am bheil daoine a' toirt creideis, agus anns am bheil iad a' cur an earbsa gun amharas, gu h-iomlan; nithean anns nach 'eil gu firinneach, bun no bàrr.

164


Dà Shaobh-Chreidimk

Is e ceann-aobhair do'n chleachdadh so gu'm bheil a' chuid a's mò de dhaoine maraon aineolach is claon le bhi 'leantuinn an ana-miannan fèin. Agus tha fios is cinnte air so, ma bheir sinn oirnn fèin ni a chreidsinn, tha sinn a' gabhail ris gu buileach, 's ga chreidsinn gu tur, a chionn 's gur h-e ar sochair-ne an ni sin a chreidsinn.

Is ann mar so, ann an aon fhocal, a tha saobh-chreidimh air an togail, 's air an cumail suas ann ar measg. Tha saobh-chreidimh ann a thaobh gach ni ach beag a bhuineas duinn mar chreutairibh beòthail. Ach is ann a thaobh aoin diubh a mhàin a tha sinn a' dol a labhairt aig an àm agus anns an àite so. Agus is e sin saobh-chreidimh a thaobh ar n-Eachdraidh fèin.

Tha mòran d' ar luchd-eachdraidh ag ràdh gu'n robh Albainn "air a deanamh" o shean (is e sin an dòigh labhairt a tha iad a' cleachdadh mu'n chùis so), leis an fheadhainn a fhuair greim (le ceartas no ana-ceartas), air gnothuichibh rioghail na h-Alba anns na linnibh a dh'fhalbh. Ach nach e rud 'tha tur faoin, neo-ghlic, neo-thuigseach a bhi 'ràdh gu'n robh Alba " air a deanamh " leis an leithid sin de dhaoine troimh an robh i air a milleadh 's air a sgrios 's air a dubhadh as mar dhùthaich air leth ?

Anns na bliadhnaichibh a dh'aom, bha Albainn 'n a dùthaich air leth, le a righribh, 's a laghanna, 's a cainnt's a cleachdaidhean fèin; ach an diugh tha i 'n a creach aig Sasunn. Cionnus ma tà, a dh'fhaodar a' radh gu'm bheil sinn 'n ar muinntir air leth (agus saor) ma tha sinn gun Righ, gun laghanna, gun chanain, gun chleachdaidhean air arson fèin ? Ciod is ciall do'n bhaoth-fhocal so ? Ma tha sinn 'n ar muinntir no 'n ar cinneach air leth, c'ait' am bheil na samhlaidhean 's na dear-

Dà Shaobh-Chreidimh 165

bhaidhean a tha 'comharrachadh a mach dhuinn sin mar mhuinntir air leth ? Agus mur 'eil sinn mar sin, is amadan is cealgair esan a tha ag innseadh dhuinn gu'm bheil sinn an drasta 'n ar cinneach air leth.

Saobh chreidimh sluaigh-mheasail eile. Tha cuid ag ràdh gu'n robh Albainn " air a deanamh " leis na daoine a thug a steach " an t-Ath-leasach-adh " gu Albainn. Ach is amadanan is cealgairean iad sin mar an ceudna. Sgriobh T. F. Mac Ean-raig, a chuir a mach Eachdraidh-bheatha nuadh Ban-righ Màiri o chionn ghoirid mu'n so mar a leanas:—

"But it is as idle to denounce the narrow in­tolerance and unlimited ecclesiastical ambition of Knox, as it is absurd to belaud them or to affirm that the Scot was practically not the Scot until Knox created him. The contribution of any single individual to the formation of what is called national character can in the long run be but infinitesimal, however much he may be able to contribute to a nation's temporary eccentricities. There could, for example, be no greater misrepresentation of the legacy Knox left to Scotland than to affirm that it owes to him its intellectual freedom, such as it is. Intellectual freedom cannot be gained at a bound; and not only so, but the intellectual freedom which many now deem an indispensable element of their manhood was not then supposed to be a proper possession for any one ; and Knox, an ecclesiastic to the marrow of his bones, had he met it in any one, would have been almost petrified with horror" (Mary Queen 0/Scots, vol. i., pp. 34, 35).

Is Prostanach Mr. T. F. Mac Eanraig, agus is mòr is àrd an tlachd a tha e 'cur oirnn fèin e bhi 'sgriobhadh mar so.

the gaelic churchOf the making of books there is no end, and said the Ever-Wise, tha mòran leughaidh 'n a sgios do 'n fheoil. If Solomon had been a modern reviewer, oppressed by an overpowering sense of the quantity, if not the quality, of the modern literary output, his implied rebuke could scarcely have been better or more seasonably expressed. But Father Columba's book is not to be so slightingly classified ; nor is his pen to be so easily gainsaid. The Gadarene swine, in interminable droves and in the shape of the in­glorious army of authors, may daily precipitate ' themselves into the sea of oblivion, impelled thereto by ten thousand printers' devils, to say nothing of the maledictions of the omnivorous, if not, in his wilder moments, exclusively carnivorous reader; but Father Columba's book admirably fills that most elusive and imaginary of all vacancies, namely, the " long-felt want" ; and he would be an ^dis­criminating reviewer, and vastly unconscionable as well, who should contumaciously refuse it that only which it is in his power to give it—its just meed of praise.

We commend the plan, no less than the execu­tion, of Father Columba's book. The former is simplicity itself; the latter representing just the kind of literary treatment which a controversial work of this kind requires. When you have ignor­ance to dispel, preconceived opinions to dislodge, and prejudice like adamant to dissolve, you must needs grasp the nettle boldly ; not with a civil grimace, a " by your leave," and hat in hand. And

1

1 The Early Scottish Church, by Dom Columba Edmonds. Sands & Co. Edinburgh, 1906.

when you have an elaborate structure to raise, see to it that your foundations be well and truly laid, or the last state of that edifice, however originally pleasing to the eye, may be infinitely worse than the first.

Father Columba, like the able literary tactician he evidently is, has clearly recognised that the key to the enemy's position lies in the " papal claims "; and, like the experienced literary general he evidently is, he has brought all his guns to bear upon that doomed spot, in and about which the Protestant rebels had entrenched themselves. The effect of his masterly assault, if just what those who were acquainted with the superior equipment and morale of the attacking party had good reason to expect, is none the less amazing and complete. Not only has he shattered the enemy's pet defences and earthworks to smithereens, but he has also blown the luckless defenders sky-high. Even with the aid of our powerful field-glasses we are unable to discover so much as a shred of that army. Not a particle remains of the tub of Mr. Primmer, or of the ecclesiological toggery of Dr. Cooper, bag and baggage, lock, stock and barrel—all, every-« thing have been forcibly removed from the scene !

Father Edmonds wisely concentrates all his efforts upon the subject of the papal claims, upon showing, that is to say, the connection which ex­isted between the Roman Pontiffs and the scat­tered branches of the Church Universal; and upon this interesting subject he has accumulated a mass of evidence, favourable to the existence of that connection, which, we cannot but think, the un­prejudiced and impartial reader must allow to be absolutely conclusive. It is obvious that if the Catholic Church can show that the Gaelic Churches








of Scotland and Ireland were in communion with the Eoman Church and were subject to the Roman Pontiffs, our case for "historical continuity" is completely established. The opposing view, which Father Columba effectually and, let us hope, finally demolishes, is, of course, that the early Churches of Scotland and Ireland owned no allegiance to " Rome" but were independent, self-governing bodies, akin rather to the Eastern than to the Latin form of Christianity; and on this latter point we hope it is not too much to expect that the final word has now been spoken, and that we shall hear no more of that preposterous theory, even from Protestants, whose dexterity in escaping from in­convenient or untenable positions is passing pro­verbial. But on this subject we apprehend that we cannot do better than quote Father Columba's own words: "To these testimonies," he says, "to belief in papal authority from Celtic liturgy there must be added the important fact that Latin was used by the Celts for Mass, Office, Sacraments, just as it is to-day by 'Roman' Catholics. Had the ancient Scottish Church been an independent off­shoot from Christianity then its services would never have been in the tongue of Rome, but in Gaelic, its vernacular. For be it remembered that neither Ireland nor the northern part of Caledonia ever yielded to the dominion of the Roman Eagle. If the early liturgy of the Celts had come direct from the East (as some have erroneously supposed), and not by way of Rome and Gaul then it would have been in Greek or some other tongue of the Orient. The stern fact, however, remains that the liturgy of the Gaels was in Latin. Latin terms and not Greek have entered largely into the ecclesi­astical vocabulary of the ancient (and, one might

add, unchangeable) Gaelic of Ireland and Scotland. Even the anti-Roman Warren is forced to acknow­ledge that there is no trace of a vernacular liturgy having been in use in any portion of the Celtic Oiurch"1 (p. 232).

On the subject of the supremacy of the Roman •See we think we cannot do better than allow this •admirable book to speak for itself. "Dr. Todd," says Father Columba, " though not admitting the Roman mission of St. Patrick, says with all serious­ness that even if such a mission could be proved,2 it would not by any means follow that the early Church of Ireland depended on the See of Rome. He illustrated his contention thus : ' The fact that

1 This regulation, however, by no means excludes the cere­monial use of the Gaelic language in those prayers and services •of the Church (and they are many) wherein the Latin tongue is not prescribed. With regard to the use of Latin in the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, Father Columba writes as follows: "The use of Latin in the liturgy is often a source of perplexity to non-done than with what is being said. Christ is therein offered a sacrifice for the living and the dead. Prayer in this case accompanies the acts of the celebrat­ing priest, and the faithful who are present are free to follow the great mystery according to their own devotion.

2 Todd's views are, of course, nowadays untenable. Dr. Berry, St. Patrick's latest and perhaps most " scientific " bio­grapher, fully admits the Eoman source of the saint's mission.

missionaries were sent out with the sanction o Rome no more proves the modern papal claims to universal supremacy than the fact of a bishop (Anglican) being now sent to the interior of Africa with the sanction of Canterbury would prove the universal supremacy of the Primate of England'. Dr. Stokes, borrowing the idea, asks whether the fact of the first bishop in the United States having derived his orders from the Church of Scotland proves the supremacy of the Scottish bishops over the American Church. The reply is exceedingly simple. The parity is denied until Dr. Todd and Dr. Stokes can produce an Archbishop of Canter­bury or a Scottish Primus claiming and exercising universal jurisdiction and having that claim recog­nised by the Universal Church—in other words, until these gentlemen can tell us of a Protestant Pope enjoying the aforementioned privileges." It will not do to reply, as one of this author's critics has done, that the question of the supremacy of the Pope is the very point at issue, and that he cannot use a claim which is still sub judice as if it was a res judicata, because the evidence which. Father Columba adduces in support of that claim is indisputable. Father Columba devotes a con­siderable portion of his work to proving the au­thenticity of those claims. Space does not permit of our quoting at all fully from these most inter­esting chapters ; but in view of what is written above one or two examples may be given. Thus, St. Irenseus, a.d. 178, "a disciple of a disciple of St. John," speaks as follows of the supremacy of the Church at Rome : " For with this Church (of Rome) on account of her more powerful headship (propter potentiorem principalitatem) it is necessary that every Church—that is the faithful everywhere dis­persed—should agree [or be in communion with] "> St. Cyprian, a.d. 248, calls the Roman Church " the chief or ruling Church, whence the unity of the priesthood has its source". St. Damascus, a.d. 366 (the same who had charge of the "youthful Ninian " when in Rome for the purpose of studying Catholic doctrine in preparation for his Scottish mission), says: " Dearest brethren . . . you cease not, as the custom ever has been, to refer all those things which can admit of any doubt to us, as to the head . . . tha^t supported by the authority of the Apostolic See you may not deviate in anything from its regulations. ... It does with reason con­cern us, who ought to hold tho chief government in the Church, if we by our silence favour error." Pope St. Siricius, a.d. 384, who ordained St. Ninian bishop for his work in Scotland refers to himself as the "heir of his (the Apostle Peter's) govern­ment" ; and he describes his See as " the Apostolic Rock upon which Christ constructed the Universal Church". Hear, too, what St. Jerome, a.d. 390, says: " If any man is united to the chair of St. Peter he is mine"; and St. Augustine, a.d. 400, addressing Pope Innocent, observes : " We think that those who entertain such perverse opinions will more readily yield to the authority of your Holiness, derived as it is from the authority of the Holy Scriptures". For further evidence on thi& point the reader is referred to Father Columba's interesting and instructive pages.

If the Church of St. Patrick did not acknow­ledge the supremacy of Rome, then as Father Columba observes: "Celtic Christianity was an extraordinary production. At the time of St. Patrick's mission, Britain, as we have seen, ac­knowledged it. Gaul, Spain, Italy and Africa did the same, and as yet the Greek schism from the Roman See had not taken place. As a matter of fact, the early Church of Ireland was in full communion with the rest of Christendom, as history] records, and, therefore, must have accepted papal] supremacy as part of the common faith. Had it been otherwise, the fact would have been as widely recorded as is the heresy of Pelagius."

" Thanks be to God!" said St. Patrick (Book of Armagh), "you have passed from the Kingdom of, Satan to the City of God ; the Church of the Irisja is a Church of the Romans ; as you are children of] Christ, so be you children of Rome." Columbanus, who had conversed with Patrick's own disciples, thus wrote to Pope Boniface IV.: " The Catholic faith is held unshaken by us (Irishì just as it was delivered to us by you (the Pope's) successors of the Holy Apostles ".

And coming to our own Colum Cille what do we find ? " Seldom," says Father Edmonds, " has the belief of any saint been more seriously misrepre­sented than St. Columba's." According to the ex-] ploded Dr. Ledwich, Colum Cille and his followers " firmly opposed the errors and superstitions of the Ghurch of Rome"! A less mouldy writer than Ledwich, Dr. Lightfoot to wit, affirms that " Celtic Christianity grew up a strictly native growth," whilst at one time a belief obtained currency, but only in exceptionally ignorant, credulous and fly­blown quarters, it is true, that St. Columba was a kind of John Knox ! Father Columba easily rebuts these offensive and insulting charges by the pro­duction of indisputable evidence; but apart from tradition and the proofs furnished us by St. Adam-

1

:Dr. Whitley Stokes is of opinion that these sayings are | really the saint's own composition.

Inan and other ecclesiastical writers, it is surely sufficient for any sane being to know that the Churches of Scotland and Ireland, being identical (as they were), the religious faith of the two countries must necessarily have been the same 1 [and what that faith was every unprejudiced person [must needs be agreed. "I do not hesitate to Iffirm," says Father Edmonds, "that St. Columba. (had as little to do with Presbyterianism or Angli­canism as the present writer has to do with the 'administration of the Fiji Islands." This is putting it forcibly, if gently. Our own opinion is that any [Scots Protestant reading this book—especially any Protestant Gael—reading this admirable book and [continuing to claim " historical continuity " for his [particular heretical nostrum had better write himself down a bigot and a blockhead at once, so as to save himself (and others) all further unnecessary trouble.

The book is well and clearly printed. Its. 1 present price (viz., six shillings) will, no doubt, be [considerably reduced if a second edition be called [for, which in view of the educational value of a [work of this kind we sincerely hope may be the^ fcase. We have noticed no typographical or other 1 errors ; and the only ìaults we have to find are the; rbrevity of Bishop Chisholm's admirable little Pre­face, and the constant occurrence of the words. 1" Celt" and " Celtic " where " Gael" and " Gaelic'" [should, with more propriety, have been employed. 'The community at Fort Augustus (as well as Father [Columba) are to be congratulated on the appear­ance of his excellent volume. We hope that where Ithey have begun so well, they will be encouraged to Iproceed; for though the harvest is ready, yet the. labourers are few.


^74 Recent Industrial Developments

Recent Industrial Developments 175


recent industrial develop- 1 ments

The rejection of the scheme for the amalgamation •of the Highland and Great North of Scotland1 Railways must be a source of satisfaction to every, well-wisher of the Gàidhealtachd. Into the detail! of that scheme, so far as it would have affected the] interests of the rival railways, and the pockets of the respective shareholders, we do not propose to] ■enter. The subject has been canvassed from thosa points of view gu leòir; and in view of the eruption] of figures and statistics which a somewhat acrimoni­ous discussion has been the means of creating in] .the local press, we see no necessity for further] piling Pelion upon Ossa. The subject, however! possesses a wider interest than some of the dis-: putants would appear to imagine, and now that this ill-starred project has been finally and effectui ■ally quashed, we think it high time that public] attention should be directed to some of the morel important aspects of this unhappy proposal.

And first let us say that, upon public grounds, we are glad that this scheme for the " absorption" of the Highland Railway by the Great North of Scotland has been defeated. We are no believers] in " absorption," or in the creation of monopolies, political or otherwise; believing that the best in­terests of the public are more likely to be consulted and served where such conditions do not obtain than where they are allowed to be erected byj private individuals and corporations for the crea­tion and preservation of commercial preserves. So long as the State merely tolerates and patronises the railways and the other public means of conveyance, without owning them, so long, we hold, should «hese monopolies, on public grounds, be resisted. rFor our own parts, we cannot but think that as the postal and telegraph services are in the pos­session of Government, and worked by them, so the railways of the country should also be in their hands. This seems to us the most natural and the only logical arrangement; but pending the acquisi­tion of all the public means of transit on the part of the State, we hold, and hold strongly, that mono­polies of the kind contemplated by the Great North foi Scotland Railway are opposed to the interests of the public.

As to the Highland Railway Company qua Company, we have no particular reason to make I its grievances our own ; and we are not aware that the matter has yet struck any one else in a more philanthropic light. Whatever the shareholders may have to say about the management of this company, is not, we suspect, likely to be a whit more complimentary than what we have every reason 'to believe they are accustomed to utter concerning its profits. The attitude of the general public, however, as regards the company, is decidedly supercilious, if not absolutely contemptuous. It òs tolerated rather than approved ; and were it not I that the contemplated removal of the railway head­quarters from Inverness to Aberdeen would have dealt a sore blow to Inverness trade and prestige, we imagine that, even in that town, few would have taken the trouble to put pen to paper to combat the threatened change. So far as bare merit is concerned, this company has been re­peatedly tried and found perseveringly wanting; [and as a matter of sentiment, its absorption would Iprobably have appealed to but comparatively few.

176 Recent Industrial Developments

The importance, however, of this proposal (now that it is quashed), and of the discussion to which it gave rise, consists in the use which the company in question proposes to make of the same. It is. high time that the Highland Railway, following the example of more enlightened and less distracted concerns, should set its house in order. And more particularly should it set to work to disprove the unkind things which have recently been said about it, by turning its attention to the industrial de­velopment of Gaeldom. It seems to us that both the Highland Railway and Inverness have hitherto done little to justify their existence, so far as the Gael of Scotland is concerned. The latter is fond of posing (in the tourist season) as the " Highland,h capital, though in what respect it is " Highland," or what qualifications it possesses as a capital, it would be difficult to determine. A more thoroughly provincial and anglicised centre than Inverness, we venture to think it would be impossible to discover; and judging by its past achievements and exploits the railway, of which it is the " feeder," is in just as parlous and somnolent a condition.

The public interest, then, is not at all concerned with the pros and cons, the rights and wrongs of amalgamation as seen through shareholder or purely Invernessian spectacles, but with the larger question of the company's status in respect to the Gàidhealtachd at large, and, incidentally, with the position of Inverness itself, as a possible capital of " the Highlands ". Obviously, if this railway is to be what it professes to be, namely, a " Highland," that is, we presume, a Gaelic concern, it must take some trouble to justify the title. It may be said to have received its final warning in the threatened amalgamation scheme; and though it may be al-

Recent Industrial Developments 177

lowed to have escaped therefrom barely by the skin of its teeth, yet it is obvious that interest alone, and not affection and sentiment, played the deter­mining part in effecting that deliverance. No one is satisfied with the company as it presently stands —least of all the shareholders, we believe. As a whole, the Gaelic public thinks little of it. Its policy, if it may be said to have possessed one, has been ambitious, unproductive and costly. Its critics complain, and justly complain we think, that instead of developing its legitimate territory, it has been struggling to extend its " system " in undesir­able, if not impossible, directions, thereby exposing itself to the charge of frittering away its resources upon doubtful and ambitious experiments, whilst neglecting to improve and to develop resources and opportunities well within its reach. It has also incurred the charge of entering into useless and extravagant competition with companies far richer and more powerful than itself—to the inevitable neglect, of course, of much more useful, but, doubtless, far less pretentious work. How far this latter charge may be justified, it is difficult, of course, for us to say; but, in any event the facts remain that the company is presently in a condi­tion the very reverse of flourishing, and that dis­satisfaction with its conduct and general manage­ment is practically universal throughout Gaeldom.

To what extent Inverness, with her extravagant "North-British" notions and fatuous belief in the "wider field" superstition, so dear to the hearts of "British" statesmen, has been contributory to this lamentable result, it would be difficult to say ; but it also, if it really wishes to be indeed that which it arrogates to itself by way of name—the " Highland " capital—will have smartly to wake up.

178 Recent Industrial Developments

For the past two centuries it has been pottering along in an aimless, feeble kind of way—a sort of cross between a monster village and a seedy proa vincial town of barely middling size. Most of the year it stertorously hibernates; but with the ap­proach of August, some small movement is observed^ The haberdashers' windows assume a Walter Scott. mm Flora Macdonald appearance, and on the strength of this sumptuary display, Inverness coolly proclaims herself "the Highland capital"! We] have no desire to question the grounds on wMH this high-sounding title is based; but what we dol desire to point out and to insist on is, that if Inverness wishes to make good her claim to it, she: must show adequate cause why the honour in quesa tion should be hers. Hitherto, as we have saidl she has done absolutely nothing to justify her claim] in the sight of the world. Inverness is not a hit! more " Highland " than Aberdeen or Dundee, anoj that example of light and leading in regard to] affairs Gaelic which we should naturally expect \ from her, and which we have a right to insist on,-in view of her unique position as the alleged capital] of the " Highlands," she has hitherto carefully re-1 framed from giving. The time has gone by when a title of this kind was generally regarded as some-] thing not to deserve by hard work and practical endeavour, but as a kind of eleemosynary label-^ something to attract passing tourists and the senti-3 mental but uninformed generally; but not otherJ wise practical or of serious account. The Gaelic] movement is now a living force, whose power and popularity increase daily, and whose very definite, social and political aims render the country increas-j ingly intolerant of anything in the nature of humbugi and sham. We desire to see Inverness a real capital

Recent Industrial Developments 179

of the Northern Gàidhealtachd—for capital of the whole of Celtic Scotland she can never now be, in view of the growing importance of Oban as a Gaelic centre and the latter's avowed determination to constitute herself the Gaelic capital of the West— and inasmuch as her past experience cannot but [have convinced her of the futility of the policy [hitherto pursued by her civic rulers of anglicising rail her native means and resources, perhaps it is ►not too much to expect that contrary measures 'will henceforth be embraced. It must be patent to I the meanest intelligence that as a " North-British " I town with "Imperial" leanings, Inverness has 'proved socially, commercially and artistically a I dismal and lamentable failure. In that respect, 'the superior attractions of Margate and Blackpool —to mention but two of her infinitely more popular 'and prosperous English rivals—have proved too much for her. She has wasted her substance with-lòut possessing herself of even the ghost of the [shadow she grasped at. We advise her to "re-Imount to first principles "—to establish her claim ìto a half share in the title which she has unjustifi­ably usurped and does nothing to deserve—before I it is too late. She can make a wholesome beginning fby agitating for the establishment within her limits [of the Gaelic Training College for School Teachers, ; which, we understand, it is the intention of Govern­ment shortly to erect. The reversion of this gift has already, we believe, been offered to Oban—indeed [there are not a few who hold that by reason of ipast indifference and neglect in respect to things Gaelic, the supposed " capital" of the " Highlands " has already forfeited her claim to that college— and if Inverness persists in her refusal to wake up, and to take her proper share in supporting the
180 Recent Industrial Developments

"burden" of Gaeldom, not only will that benefit be withheld from her, but it will become the bounden duty of the Gaelic public to do all in their power to put a stop to the fraudulent use of their name on the part of the town and people of Inver­ness.

The proposed widening of the Caledonian Canal is a measure which all who have the interests of the Gàidhealtachd at heart should do their utmost to promote. We are all in favour of the increasing and bettering the means of communication in Celtic Scotland, believing, as we do, that the prosperity of our people is largely dependent on the development of the natural means and resources of our country. This is a phase or aspect of the Gaelic movement which its well-wishers will do well to press upon the attention of their countrymen. No small part of our aim consists in restoring to the Gàidhealtachd its former prosperity through the channel of local improvements, and by means of the establishment of local arts, crafts and industries. The movement is necessarily intensely friendly to all such projects and enterprises, whether emanating from Govern­ment, or the work of private individuals ; and those persons who think that we proceed upon sentimental and antiquarian grounds alone, and that the language has reason to fear the advent of railways and motor cars, have either signally failed to appreciate the significance of the forces at work, or are constitu­tionally unable to understand them. The "up-to-date " view, to use a barbarous though a convenient expression, is essentially the modern Gaelic view. We have nothing to do with Jacobitism, antiquari-anism, or with any other " ism " which " makes for" museums and dry-as-dust collections of antiquities. We claim to represent, not the dead, but the living i

Recent Industrial Developments 181

and if modernity is to be considered as the sole test by which our movement should be tried, we have no hesitation in saying that, judged by this standard, our agitation will be found to be uncompromisingly modern and progressive.

For similar reasons, we hail with satisfaction the present Government's proposals in regard to the crofters—a long-suffering and much-enduring class. The Act of 1886 has admittedly long out­grown its original usefulness; and the time has now come when it should be superseded by a larger and a more generous measure. With some of the reasons advanced by Scottish members of Parlia­ment for the passing of that measure, as for the broadening and deepening of the Caledonian Canal, we are not in sympathy; but so far as the former will operate to keep the people of the soil on the soil, and to lighten the grievances and burdens which they labour under, that measure has our un­qualified approval, and our heartiest good wishes for a safe and speedy passage through the manifold shoals and quicksands of English Parliamentary procedure. It was not to be expected that the present proposals should possess that quality of finality and bear that character of thoroughness which, doubtless, any such proposals if submitted to a purely Scottish Chamber would almost neces­sarily carry with them ; but pending the acquisition of that "larger measure" to which both Scotland and Ireland, as national entities, are now looking eagerly forward, the bill to be passed through the English Houses of Parliament provides acceptable reading, and, considering how few good things come out of that quarter, constitutes something to be devoutly thankful for.

beannach buachailleachd

Cuireamsa an sprèidh so romham, Mar a dh'ordaich Righ an domhain. Moire 'gan gleidheadh, 'gam feitheamh, gan coimh­ead

Air bheinn, air ghleann air chòmhnard.

Eirich a Bh ride mhin-gheal, Glacsa do chir agus d'fhalt; 0 rinn thu doibh eòlas gun òr 'Gan cumail o chall's o lochd, 'Gan cumail o chall's o lochd.

0 chreag, o chabhan o allt,

0 chara cam, o mhille sluic

O shaighdibh nam ban seanga sith

O chridhe mhi-rùn, o shùil an uilc

O chridhe mhi-rùn, o shùil an uilc.

A Mhoire Mhàthair, cuallaichs' an t-àl gu lèir ! A Bhride nam basa-mine, dionsa mo sprèidh! A Chaluim chaoimh, a Naoimh is feàrr buadh, Comaraichsa crodh an àil, bàirig am buar Comaraichsa crodh an àil, bàirig am buar.

parliament and the gael

When the late elections were over it was generally recognised that something more than a mere trans­ference of party political power had occurred. The success of the Labour Party undoubtedly meant the appearance of a new force in contemporary politics; and viewed as a whole, the elections abundantly justified the frequently expressed opinion that any return to the political statu quo was clearly im­possible.

Discounting, however, the unexpected success of the Socialist candidates at the polls, it cannot be said that the change which parliamentary re­presentation has undergone is altogether matter of surprise. The natural growth of political thought and opinion is in itself sufficient to account for no small part of a change which in some quarters has been stigmatised as a practical " revolu­tion". Clearly, the world of politics cannot stand still: it is as much subject to the laws of natural evolution as any other department of human enter­prise and activity; and general elections serve but to mark the successive stages in the growth of public opinion with respect to political principles and ideals. Sometimes this expansion of the mental forces constituting "politics" is gradual and silent: at others, it is a more demonstrative and noisy growth, which the objective mind finds easier to diagnose and to limit. But in any case, expansion is a necessary consequence of existence; and the ideas of to-morrow become in an ever-increasing ratio of rapidity the principles which are found to be applicable to the solution of the pressing problems and questions of to-day.

As a mirror of current political thought or as a means of stereotyping contemporary political opinion it cannot be said that the English Parliament is a perfect machine. The growth of " politics" is so rapid nowadays that by the time the new Parliament is elected it has almost ceased to be a scientific evolution of the old. What puts one party into power and drives another out of it is generally one of those "waves" of political feehng which, as is the nature of such purely natural displays, are no sooner raised but they are spent. So that almost by the time the new Parliament first meets for the transaction of public business, it may have lost or forfeited the full con­fidence of the country; or at all events, public opinion may have so grown and expanded in the interval as to leave the concrete form of its " man­date" a long way behind its later developments. Perhaps nothing is more remarkable in this respect than the failure of Parliament, as a legislative machine, to keep pace with the growth of public opinion; and its comparative inability to adapt itself to the ever-increasing demands of the public conscience shows us how defective an instrument it really is. No doubt, no small part of parlia­mentary inefficiency is due to the fact that the English Parliament is still practically a feudal institution. Ideas and ideals have expanded and grown out of almost all recognition; but the "machine" which vainly tries to put them into effect—to register the ever-expanding will of the people—has not improved or grown in proportion. No conscientious critic could speak of the " elas­ticity " of the English Houses of Parliament, seeing that the state of the Legislature, and of the whole body of our laws, is notoriously backward when contrasted with the advanced condition of con­temporary political thought. It is well known that what most strikes the average business man who is elected to Parliament is the slowness of the parliamentary machine and the cumbersome, antiquated methods adopted at Westminster for the despatch of public business. As a matter of fact, the machinery of Parliament is out of date; and when to its deficiencies in this respect you add the fact that many of our legislators are themselves individuals of antiquated ideas, the consequent "congestion" of Parliament, and its failure to come up to popular expectations, will not seem altogether surprising.

Parliament, it has been said, exists for the pur­pose of registering the will of the people; and no doubt this is true of it to a certain limited extent; but public opinion is always greatly in advance of parliamentary feeling and action. In the first place, the men who make public opinion, and in that sense may well claim to be our future legis­lators, rarely get elected to Parliament. They are in advance even of the advanced general sentiment of the country and the electors. The presence of Whigs like Messrs. Asquith and Haldanein the exist­ing Liberal Government—a Government which has repeatedly been described as the most " Radical" that ever has been—shows how favourable is the English Parliament and its procedure to the reten­tion of exploded political tenets, and to the con­servation of a type of politician whose appropriate setting is nearer the year 1680 than that of 1906. This tendency on the part of the English Parlia­ment to travel on recognised " lines " is doubtless a legacy of the feudal system, just as our land and .game laws are an outgrowth of the same political device. And as the " atmosphere " of Westminster, if not positively reactionary, is highly charged with the germs of stagnation, it will be seen that even with the best intentions in the world, a Government which means business must find it exceedingly difficult to carry its pious intentions into effect.

The backwardness of parliamentary as con­trasted with public opinion is perhaps best ex­emplified firstly in the actual personnel of West­minster, and, secondly, in the measures and principles with which the parliamentarians are commonly identified. Let us first take the case of the Irish members of Parliament. With a few exceptions, they belong to, if not an exploded, at all events a rapidly decaying type of politician. They are the heirs, not of the Gaelic League, which stands for all that is best and modern in the Ire­land of to-day, but of O'Connell and emancipation and the disastrous "rebellions" arising out of the famine. In other words, instead of standing; for an Irish Ireland—that is to say, a truly national Ireland—they merely aim at Home Rule, an abso­lutely useless, if not positively noxious measure, without its corresponding leaven of true nationality. For Home Rule minus the Gaelic movement, the average Gaelic Leaguer does not care a fig ; and in my opinion he is abundantly justified in his stand­point. After all, what is the use of Home Rule to a country which is either entirely or very greatly denationalised ? The Gaelic League properly recog­nises that so long as Ireland is merely the western province of England—just as Scotland is the northern—so long would it be injudicious to have Home Rule. What it desires, and intends to do, is first to reconstruct the ruined fabric of Irish nationality through the medium of the Gaelic language. When the Gaelic language has thoroughly penetrated and mastered Ireland to the extent of completely absorbing all its national means and resources—then, but not till then, will it trouble itself about Home Rule. It will then have, not an Anglicised mob, but a nation at its back—a self-respecting and self-reliant, united, sober, orderly and God-fearing people, knowing its own mind, strong and vigorous in its new-found manhood, and determined to have its own way at all costs.

A propaganda so based as to principle inevitably tends to crush out the mere parliamentarian, who, more often than not, is a verbose, unprincipled and shallow humbug, knowing little and caring less about the essential constituents of true nationality. The movement known as Sinn Fèin actually boy-cots the Irish parliamentarian; and its principal organ, the United Irishman, is not a whit less " down on" men like Messrs. Redmond and Dillon than it is on solemn and pompous Castellans of the Long and Carson type. These two movements are not to be confounded, for whilst that known as Sinn Fèin is avowedly political, the Gaelic League, on the other hand, takes no part at all in contemporary politics, beyond insisting, and rightly insisting, in season and out of it, on the unswerving pursuit of the one true and great principle or ideal—namely, that Ireland shall be a self-respecting country first, and self-governing, if it has a mind to it, after­wards.

The convergence of these two movements will inevitably tend, and is now actually doing so, to drive the mere English Irelander—the parliament­arian of the Redmond type—out of the field as a superfluous, antiquated and obnoxious quantity. The idea of Home Rule—of Home Rule alone—is no longer the dominating idea of political Ireland; for other things are now seen to be more necessary to the nation's salvation; and a Parliament sitting in Dublin the business of which should be carried on in English is rapidly losing its attractions for the vast majority of patriotic and intelligent Irishmen.

Turning to Scottish affairs, although we may not see at home the same sharp divergence between what is said at Westminster and what is thought and believed elsewhere, nevertheless similar prin-


188 Parliament and the Gael

ciples are at work. Certainly, the restoration of Home Rule to Scotland, meaning as it would do, •at present, the setting up of an essentially Low­land Government at Edinburgh, is not a prospect calculated to appeal to the average Scottish Gael. We have had enough of the " Lowland Tradition" in all conscience; and Edinburgh and Holyrood positively stink in our nostrils. We are in no immediate want of Home Rule. We can get along very well without it. What we do require is time and opportunity in which to undo the fell work of the past, to teach ourselves self-respect and self-reliance, and to develop our natural and national re­sources. We must set to work, as our Irish kinsmen are doing, to re-establish our language—which is •our nationality—and when we have become self-re­specting, self-reliant and united—when Celtic Scot­land is again Celtic Scotland—then may we demand, and then, but not till then, shall we get Home Rule.

Meantime, owing to the progress of the Gaelic movement even in what is appropriately styled North Britain—North England would be nearer the mark—it is interesting to observe the increas­ing tendency of public opinion amongst us to shelve a certain type of politician. We have one or two good members in the Gàidhealtachd ; but only one or two—men like Mr. Weir and Mr. Morton, who appear to take some trouble to ascertain the trend of Gaelic aspirations, and to jam the clumsy tiller of the unwieldy and antiquated ship of State at Westminster accordingly. It would be interesting to know, however, what possible use a person of the type of Mr. Harmsworth is to a Gaelic constituency. No doubt he owes his election simply to the fact that his candidature was approved by the Liberal

Parliament and the Gael 189

caucus, but the selection of individuals whose ideas of duty are strictly limited to an official programme drawn up in England for the benefit, primarily, of England, is not likely to continue popular amongst us. The tendency, indeed, as in Ireland, is all in the opposite direction. We require not men whose excuse for their slender capacity and want of in­clination is the habit of thinking imperially, but members who will set their shoulders to the wheel, and help us to get back by parliamentary and other means our lost nationality. The " question " of India, or the "question" of South Africa, or " questions " affecting the English Imperial Pump generally, are not primarily our concern; and the sooner our members of Parliament wake up to that fact the better it will be for themselves and the country. Let the big Englanders imagine vain things, and "muddle through" their costly and bloody wars as they are accustomed to do ; the concern of the Gael is at home, amongst his own people, with his own kith and kin. When he has succeeded in winning back his own self-respect and self-reliance, and joined hands with his friends and kinsfolk across the Irish Sea, the question of re­lieving the self-denying Saxon of some portion of his intolerable burden of Empire may possibly be discussed upon equal terms. Meanwhile, we shall do well to leave him to muddle along as best he can,

" For 'tis their nature to ". There is only one consideration that makes me regret the general break-down of the parliamentary machine at Westminster—otherwise so gratifying to patriotic sentiment—and that is the sorry con­dition of our crofters. The grievances which these poor and highly deserving people labour under-


iqo Parliament and the Gael

Eachdraidh

191


-admittedly constitute a singularly "hard case," and that these grievances, intolerable as they are, should have remained so long unredressed, though it may speak volumes for their patience, cannot be considered as flattering to the class amongst whom "patriotism," of the blood-and-thunder type ap­proved at Birmingham, invariably takes precedence of Godliness. The crofters make it a point of plead­ing their past services as soldiers and sailors as a species of excuse—though they should know that none is required—for their legitimate demands; but even assuming that the English Parliament is sensible of its want of gratitude in this respect, it is exceedingly doubtful if measures thoroughly satisfactory to the crofters and their friends will be taken, or if the press of public business will admit of a timeous relief from what is undoubtedly an intolerable, and an increasingly intolerable, situa­tion. In the sense, too, in which, no doubt un­wittingly, the crofters and their friends have been contributors to the existing state of affairs by blindly trusting to Parliament for the mitigation -of their grievances; in that sense and to that extent undoubtedly they have themselves been largely to blame, and however much the spectacle of their unmerited hardships may affect the public eye and agitate the public conscience, they will surely not have endured in vain if their sufferings convince them of the folly of looking to West­minster—to an English Legislature—for redress, and of the expediency of joining the movement whose objects are first the nationalisation, and secondly the political emancipation of Scotland. Undoubtedly the case of the crofters is an acute one; and inasmuch as it tends to grow graver day by day, the necessity of immediate action is not to be gainsaid. The Scottish patriot, therefore, however much he may feel disposed to rejoice at the growing inability of the English Parliament to deal adequately with public business, will surely -co-operate with us in pleading the exceptional character of the case of these deserving people. The fact that he is suffering in a good cause, although it may afford the crofter some consola­tion, will not help him to better his condition, which is admittedly desperate. I hope, therefore, that the legislative programme of the Government, so far at least as it affects the crofter community, will be carried through Parliament with as little delay as possible. The lesson to be learned from years of neglect and studied delay on the part of the English Parliament has probably been well acquired by this time, even in the poorer, which are naturally the most subservient parts of the Highlands and the Isles; and the national cause, however exigent otherwise it may be, cannot con­template with equanimity the sufferings of so large and deserving a portion of its clientele, although no one is more sensible than I am that even out of this misery much good will eventually come to Scotland and to Scotsmen as a whole.

R. MacDonald.
eachdraidh

Leis an fhocal Litreachas, tha sinn a' tuigsinn na sgriobhaidhean anns am faighear smuaintean is faireachduinean na cuid de 'n chinne-daoine air an do bhuilicheadh tomhas de thuigse. Ann am briathran eile, is e Litreachas anns an t-seadh is àirde, modh labhairt troimh sgriobhadh eadar fear

192


Eachdraidh

agus fear 'nan nàclur agus 'nam faireaehduin mar dhaoine. Gheibh sinn Litreachas mar so 'ga roinn fèin a mach ann am meòir de smuain agus de dh' eòlas aig am bheil am frèamh ann an intinn an duine. Tha meur na h-Eachdraidh ann; meur na Feallsanachd; meur na h-Urlabhairt, no na h-Eal-antachd ; agus meur na Bàrdachd.

Ged is ann an sgriobhadh a gheibhear gach gnè Litreachais, gidheadh cha 'n 'eil a h-uile sgriobhadh airidh air a bhi air a ghabhail a steach fo 'n ainm Litreachas. Tha, mar so, dà sheòrsa Litreachais ri'm faotainn. Tha seòrsa ann a tha siùbhlach, ag atharrachadh leis an là, agus leis an linn ; agus tha seòrsa ann a tha buan a sheasas maireann, cho fada 's a bhios cridheachan is inntinnean dhaoine de 'n ghnè de'm bheil iad a nis. Anns an Litreachas a tha 'siùbhlach, no caochlach, gheibhear na sgriobh­aidhean a tha de ghnè shuaraich, no shalaich, agus a' chuid a tha tioram, gun susbaint, nach ruig, no nach drùidh air anam coitcheann a' chinne-dhaoine. Sgeul rùisgte nach 'eil air a shuidheachadh ann an corp de chainnt sgeinmeil shnasmhoir; bunan lea­tromach nach 'eil ag èiridh a mach à fior nàdur an duine ; òraidean anns nach 'eil blas no brigh; agus ranntachd nach 'eil binn no buadhach—na leabhrai­chean, no na sgriobhaidhean anns nach faighear ach a' ghnè dhiombuan so de Litreachas, cha bhuin de 'n t-seòrsa a tha buan no maireannach.

Cha chanar Eachdraidh anns an t- seadh cheart ri leabhraichean ghinealach, anns nach faighear ach stiall fhada de dh' ainmean. Is e Eachdraidh anns an t-seadh a 's àirde sgeul fìor mu ghniomh, mu euchd, agus mu fhàs suas a' chinne-dhaoine, mar tha an cinne-daoine 'na aon, no ann an cinnich fa leth. Mar bhuill de 'n chinne-dhaoine, tha sinn a' gabhail tlachd coitcheann ann an Eachdraidh mar

193


Eachdraidh

chuspair meadhrachaidh. Oir, tha sinn a' faotainn iomraidh ann an Eachdraidh air modh oibreachaidh cumhachdan is feartan gineadail nàdur an duine. Chi sinn an sud reuson a' tionnsgnadh, agus a' giùlan a mach à chriochan iomchuidh fèin; agus mar an ceudna an toil, dian lasanta, do-lùbaidh is rag, no fulangach. A ris, tha e cho tlachdmhor leinn a bhi 'sealltuinn air fèin-ghlòir is fèin-iarrtais 'nan ròidibh ciontach 's a tha e bhi ag amharc air stri ionmholta an fhir aig am bheil gràdh agus math a dhùthcha a' lasadh le chèile 'nan rùn teinnteach 'na chridhe. Oir ann an sud, tha againn sruthadh a mach air dà thaobh nàdur an duine; agus tha dèidh 'againn air a ibhi 'faicinn dhaoine nuair is miosa agus an uair is feàrr a tha iad.

. . . Juvat integros accedere/ontes Atque haurire.

Cha 'n 'eil a bheag a dh' Eachdraidh a's fiach againn anns a' Ghàidhlig, an taobh a mach do ranna ginealach is sgeulachdan nan seanchaidhean. Cha deachaidh na cnàimh eachdraidheil a chruin­nich iadsan ri chèile a chòmhdach fathast le falluinn feòla ur-dheiseach na h-Eachdraidh. Thug Aong­has Mac Coinnich ionnsaidhean math air Eachdraidh na h-Alba anns a' bhliadhna 1867—mir beag dhi co dhiù, agus sin air a thoirt seachad do dhall eud an creidimh—a thoirt duinn; agus thug feadhainn eile cùnntas nach dona air Eachdraidh choitcheann ar dùthcha 0 àm gu h-àm. Ach cha 'n 'eil an sud ach oidhirpean beaga an coimeas ris na sgriobh Erodotus is Thusidides anns a' Ghrèig, Libhidh is Tacitus anns a' Roimh, Fènèlon is Guisot anns a' Fhraing, agus Gibbon, Lingard, Ume, Robertson, Gascuet, etc. ann an Sasunn. Tha Eachdraidh a' Gàidheil 'na thuineachadh is 'na fhàs agus 'na

194

Eachdraidh


thighinn a mach ann an Alba, agus ann an Eirinn, fathast gun sgriobhadh. Aut in rebus certius illi­quid allaturos, aut scribendi arte rudem vetustatem superaturos, sgriobh Libhidh; ach c' ait' am bheil ar n-Eachdraichean fèin chum na foclan so a chuir an gniomh ? Is ann's a' Bheurla a rinneadh a' chuid a's mò de na chaidh a dheanamh 's an rathad so; agus, eadhon anns a' Bheurla, cha 'n 'eil cùnntas coimhlionta againn mu Eachdraidh ar dùthcha— tir nam beann, 's nan gleann, 's nan gaisgeach. Ged nach 'eil àireamh nan ughdar a ghleidh sean-achas air cuimhne 'nar measg ro lionmhor, agus ged nach 'eil saothair nan ughdar an comhnuidh buannachdail riu fèin, gidheadh tha sinn a' meas gur airidh ar n-Eachdraidh air a bhi innseadh 'nan cainnt fèin. Gun teagamh, cha 'n 'eil an obair air aon chor soirbh a dheanamh. Ach ma thig aon air aghaidh a ghabhas os làimh an obair feumail so a thoirt gu crioch shoirbheachail, bithean aid ro thaingeil nam faigheadh e anns ar brosnuchadh cuideachadh 'na shaothair; agus chuireamaid an cuimhne ar luchd-dùthcha an sean-fhocal fior:—

" Is trian obair, toiseachadh."

Guth na Bliadhna
leabhar iii.] AN SAMHRADH, 1906. [aireamh 3
imperium ex imperio

Thubhairt sinn o chionn beagan mhiosan anns an Leabhar-naigheachd so gu'm bheil Eachdraidh Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba (mar a bha dùthaich nan Gàidheal anns an Fhraing, a rèir Caesar) air a roinn gu lèir 'na tri earrannan. Tha a' chiad earrann o tLsachd Righ Fhearghais gu ruig blàr Srath Chath-ruaidh (1130). Tha an dara earrann a' tighinn a nuas o'n bhliadhna sin gu ruig arbhartachadh Mhic Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean, anns a' bhliadhna 1476; agus tha an treas earrann a' tighinn a nuas o'n àm sin gu ruig Bliadhna Thearlaich, no blàr Chuil-fhodair (1746). O'n ùine ud gus a' cheart àm so, is ann mar lusan no luibhean leth-bheòthach a mhàin a tha sinn a' cumail ar fàs a suas. Thubhairt sinn, mar an ceudna, gu'm bheil Eachdraidh na h-Alba a' leigeil ris duinn gu soilleir ciod e aobhar gach cogaidh agus falachd a bha eadar Gàidheal na dùthcha agus na coigrich a bha'n taobh a staigh dhith, an deigh bàis an dara Righ Calum (1034). Thug esan oidhirp (mar is aithne gu maith da'r luchd leughaidh) an leantuinn-rioghail a chur gu taobh, agus a chinneadh fèin a shocrachadh air cathair rioghail na h-Alba—ni nach bu chòir dha



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