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www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20030414&s=schell> 6 Nov 2004.

6 Quoted in Peterson, C (2001), ‘Returning to the African Core: Cabral and the Erasure of the Colonised Elite’, West Africa Review, 2001, <http://www.westafricareview.com/war/vol2.2/peterson.html>, 20 Jan 2005.

7 This forms the premise of the so-called Westphalian state system as elucidated by Grotius in its orginal conceptualisation and later re-emphasised by Wolffe. Now, this ideology of the global political-legal order finds most explicit repetition within the totality of the United Nations Charter system in its rhetoric of an ‘international society’. How evocative those words, ‘We the Peoples of the United Nations Determined to … and For These Ends to … Accordingly, our respective Governments … do hereby establish an international organization to be known as the United Nations.’, Preamble, UN Charter. It is noteworthy that it is the peoples who constitute the UN Charter conceptualisation of international society; governments merely serving the function of the instrument of realisation of the stated aims. This may be a fine argument, but ‘realpolitik’ has its own logics. For an assertion of the constitutive nature of the UN Charter, see, B. Fassbender, B (1998) ‘The United Nations Charter as Constitution of the International Community’, Columbia Journal of Transnational Law 36, p 529. I wonder what response the Bush administration might provide for such an impertinent claim! An indication can be gained from the following ‘thoughtful’ reflections of J.R. Bolton, J.R (2000) ‘Should We Take Global Governance Seriously?’ Chicago Journal of International Law, p 205.

8 For demystifications of the myths of Western philosophical/ideological traditions of law and politics, see for example, de Sousa Santos, B (1995) Toward a New Common Sense: Law, Science and Politics in the Paradigmatic Transition (After the Law) (London, Routledge); and Fitzpatrick, P (1992) The Mythology of Modern Law (London, Routledge)

9 For general discussions of these issues, see for example, Camilleri, J.A and Falk, J (1992) The End of Sovereignty? The Politics of a Shrinking and Fragmenting World (Aldershot, Edward Elgar); Strange, S (1996) The Retreat of the State: The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy (Cambridge, Cambridge Uni. Press, Cambridge); and R.J.Holton, R.J (1998) Globalization and the Nation-State (London, Palgrave).

10 Central to the control structure, essential for both political and economic dominance, is the military-industrial complex; see, Hartung, W.D (1999) Military-Industrial Complex Revisited: How Weapons Makers are Shaping U.S. Foreign and Military Policies <http://www.fpif.org/papers/micr/companies_body.html> 28 June 2005

11 There is a vast amount of literature on the extent of corporate-control and perversion of the so-called democratic space; the issues involved range from corruption, political lobbying and funding of political parties, to the appropriation of political processes and the virtual drafting of international regulations (as in the case of the TRIPS Agreement within the WTO framework). See for example, Korten, D.C (2nd ed) (2001) When Corporations Rule the World (Bloomfield, Kumarian Press); Palast, G (2002) The Best Democracy Money Can Buy (London, Robinson); and B. Balanya, B et al. (2000) Europe Inc.; Regional & Global Restructuring and the Rise of Corporate Power (London, Pluto Press)

12 See Factsheets produced by Corporate Europe Observatory on the International Chamber of Commerce, at www.corporateeurope.org/icc/factsheets.html>, 15 June 2005.

13 Again, there is no shortage of literature indicting the Bretton Woods institutions of fundamental wrongs against the most impoverished members of the human family. For an overview of the practices of the World Bank, see George, S and Sabelli, F (2000) Faith and Credit: The World Bank’s Secular Empire (Boulder, Westview Press). A recent study examining the impact of IMF’s ‘structural adjustment policies’ is clear on the responsibility of the IMF in perpetuating conditions of impoverishment; see, Structural Adjustment Participatory Review International Network (SAPRIN) (2004) The Policy Roots of Economic Crisis and Poverty: A Multi-Country Participatory Assessment of Structural Adjustment, <http://www.saprin.org/SAPRI_Findings.pdf> 15 June 2005. For a scathing report on the IMF and more, its collusion in suppressing dissent, see Palast, supra, n 11, Chap 4. For a United Nations consideration of the matter of structural adjustment policies and human rights, see, ‘Effects of structural adjustment policies and foreign debt on the full enjoyment of human rights, particularly economic, social and cultural rights’, Report submitted by Mr. Bernards Mudho, independent expert on the effects of structural adjustment policies and foreign debt, in accordance with Commission resolution 2002/29, E/CN4/2003/10.

14 See, for example, Jawara, F and Kwa, A (2003) Behind the Scenes at the WTO: the Real World of International Trade Negotiations (London, Zed Books); and Kwa, A (2003) Power Politics in the WTO <http://www.focusweb.org/publications/Books/power-politics-in-the-WTO.pdf> 15 June 2005.

15 For a comprehensive statement of the vision which has come to inform current US ‘policy’ on international security issues, see Donnelly, T, Kagan, D and Schmitt, G (2000) Rebuilding America’s Defences: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century, A Report of the Project for the New American Century www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf> 28 June 2005; and its official, US government incarnation, The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, Sept. 2002. On the idea of unipolarity, see for example, Wohlforth, W C (1999) ‘The Stability of a Unipolar World’, International Security, 24 (1), pp 5-41. Wohlforth’s great insight involves three propositions: first, the current global context is one which is characterized by the unipolarity of the US as the unrivalled superpower; secondly, that this unipolar situation is one which is prone to peace; and finally, that the unipolar reign of the American superpower is stable and durable. The analysis, for all its theoretical sophistication, is essentially a simple one – America is might, America is right, and ‘aint’ no one’s ‘gonna’ stop us. It would seem that the evidence from the recent unilateral assertions by the US administration of the ‘right to violence’ and the resulting nothingness by way of real response by the ‘international community’ would support this conclusion. However, a significant omission in the analysis, and this may well be the unraveling of the construction of the ‘unipolar moment’, is that it is based on conventional statist readings of international political thinking and action – the ‘irrationality’ of the ‘terrorist’ in their imagination and response to unipolar dominance by the US is not addressed. Neither is the disobedience of ‘the masses’ considered sufficiently. Assertions of the stability and endurability of the unipolar world order vision would appear, therefore, to be overstated and the confidence underpinning it possibly dangerously misplaced. A different reading, however, is possible. The arguments regarding the stability of the unipolar world situation is perhaps less a statement of conviction and more a statement for persuasion. ‘Stability’ may after all be achieved through perpetual war, and here, the ‘terrorist’ target is indeed prime. Whilst reassuring the ‘general reader’, the quintessential American ‘consumer-citizen’ of stability and security, the conditions for profit and corporate-military collusion in a climate of terror may well be the unstated objective of the propaganda machinery for US preeminence. What we are most certainly not talking about is ‘security’ for the peoples of the world. For an indication of the explicit factoring in of the ‘terrorist’ threat which necessitates the strong state of George Bush’s America, see the website of Americans for Victory Over Terrorism,

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