About cpiml new Proletarian And Its Founder General Secretary Sheo Mangal Sinddhantkar Author's Note


/03/2009 – Sheo Mangal Siddhantkar



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31/03/2009

Sheo Mangal Siddhantkar



General Secretary,
CPIML New Proletarian


Brief Introduction of Sheo Mangal Siddhantkar

More than thirty year of ex-teaching practitioner of Satyawati College evening of the University of Delhi Mr. Siddhantkar has been practising Marxism - Leninism for no less than four decades till now. Fifty Year of creative penner a poet and literary critic turned proletarian and New Proletarian theorist and activist has authored six volumes of poetry out of which "AAG KE AKSHAR" was published in the Emergency as a mark of protest. To his credit he has four books of literary criticism out of which "Nirala and Free Verse" published by the Macmillan Company of India is prescribed as reference book by several universities including Indira Gandhi National Open University. As a proletarian and new proletarian theoretician and practitioner he has penned a lot of books including 'Opportunist Left and Revolutionary Left', 'Proletarian Revolution and the Unity of the Left', 'CPIML New Proletarian Manifesto 1999-2000', 'New Proletarian Thought', 'New Era of Imperialism & New Proletarian Revolution', 'Truth of the Nuclear Deal', 'Birth of Bangladesh and Other Contemporary Pieces' and 'Few First Lessons in Practice' etc. Apart from these writings thousands of the pieces of poetry and prose and papers presented in the seminars and delivered on political, literary and cultural platforms are waiting for finishing touches and publication. As an editor he has been associated with several newspapers, magazines, journals and books including Hirawal, Drishtikon and New Proletarian Quarterly etc.

He has been associated with several proletarian formations. He is continuing as a founder General Secretary of CPIML New Proletarian. This outfit is the newest and most controversial in respect of Marxist theory and practice as of now in the Marxist - Leninist circles, leading to "Unity on Uncommonness" philosophically.

For more details about the author see page no. 179 (Sheo Mangal Sinddhantkar : Ek Parichay) of the book “Jo Khud Kavita Ke Vishay Hain”. Edited by Dr. Shiv Shankar Mishra.

f'koeaxy fl¼kUrdj fyf[kr iqLrdsa

dfork laxzg

1- vkx ds v{kj % 105 #-

2- olar ds ckny % 75 #-

The Spring Thunder % 100 #-

(A Translation in English

by Dr. Shiv Shankar Mishra)

3- /wy vkSj /qavka % 75 #-

4- dkyunh % 105 #-

5- dkyunh&nks % 150 #-

6- dkyunh gtkjk ,d&nks&rhu (izdk';) %



vkykspuk

1- vkykspuk ls vkykspuk vkSj vuqla/ku ls vuqla/ku % 105 #-

2- fujkyk vkSj eqDr Nan % 150 #-

3- fujkyk vkSj vKs; % u;h 'kSyh laLd`fr % 290 #-

4- vkykspuk dh rhljh vka[k (izdk';) %

oSpkfjd ys[ku

1- voljoknh oke vkSj Økafrdkjh oke % 25 #-

2- Proletarian Revolution in India and the Unity of the left % 25 #-

3- u;h loZgkjk Økafr % 25 #-

4- New Proletarian Quarterly- Vol. I to Vol. VII %

5- New Era of Imperialism & New Proletarian Revolution % 150 #-

6- lkezkT;okn dk u;k ;qx vkSj ubZ loZgkjk Økafr % ---- #-

7- New Proletarian Thought % 90 #-

8- U;w izksysrkfj;u dh igpku &f'koeaxy fl¼kardj % ----- #-

(cynso 'kekZ vkSj v#.k dqekj }kjk ladfyr)

9- fopkj vkSj O;ogkj dk vkjafHkd ikB % 150 #-

10- Few First Lessons in Practice % 100 #-

11- etnwj vkanksyu fopkj vkSj O;ogkj % 10 #-

12- ijek.kq djkj dk lp % ----- #-



lEikfnr@la;ksftr iqLrdsa

1- xqfjYyk flusek (ys[kd vkuUn iVo/Zu) % 50 #-

2- LoxZ ls fonkbZ (xksj[k ikaMs;) % 150 #-

3- ik'k ds vklikl % 50 #-

4- yw 'kwu dh fojklr % 125 #-

5- tsy dfork,a % 25 #-

6- iQkalu (ukV~; :ikarj) % 75 #-

7- rqEgkjs gkFk (ukfte fgder) % 25 #-

8- Hkxr flag ds nLrkost % 25 #-

9- 'khyk dh L=kh&foe'kZdkjh dfork ij vkykspdksa dh vka[ksa % 150 #-

10- ijpe cusas efgyk,a&'khyk fl¼kardj dh pquh gqbZ dfork,a % 100 #-

11- ijpksa ds ijpe (f'koeaxy fl¼kardj }kjk laikfnr) % 100 #-

12- tks [kqn dfork ds fo"k; gSa % 100 #-

(f'koeaxy fl¼kardj dh dfork vkSj vkykspuk ij vk/kfjr

MkW- f'ko'kadj feJ }kjk laikfnr)

13- ns'kt ledkyhu (vad& 1 ls 8 rd)

14- vf/dj.k] n`f"Vdks.k] vkfn ds ckn] fnYyh ls]

fgjkoy ds ikap vad laikfnr



Brief Introduction of Shiela Siddhantakar

Birth : April 5, 1944, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, India

Death: April 25, 2005, New Delhi

Education: M.A. in Hindi Literature from Kanpur University and Visharad in Sitar from Prayag Sangit Samiti, Allahabad.

Occupation: The Lectureship of Sitar in the beginning of her career. Thereafter she joined Central Govt. Service and associated herself with the Central Govt. Employees Association. She had joined AIPWA and Jan Sanskriti Manch for a brief period.

She retired as a Translation/Training Officer on April 30, 2004 from Central Translation Bureau, Official Language Deptt., Ministry of Home Affairs, New Delhi.

Works: Her works include Jail Poems (Translation) 1978, Aurat Sulagati Huee (a Selection of 35 poems) - 2003, Kaho Kuchh Apani Baat (a Collection of 500 poems) - 2003, Kavita Kee Teesaree Kitab - 2005, Kavita Kee Akhiree Kitab - 2006, Parcham Banen Mahilayen (152 selected poems) - 2009, A Woman Smouldering (an English translation of Aurat Sulagati Huee) - 2010.

Shiela Siddhantakar was discovered as a poet in 2003 but could not survive as a poet for more than two years and three months. That she died of Cancer at the age of 61 years.

Rag Virag has published a book on the poetry of Shiela Siddhantakar. This book namely Aalochakon Kee Aankhen is a collection of 25 renowned critics’ comments on Shiela’s collection of about 700 poems (in three volumes). The book runs into 150 pages. The critics included have marked a new dimension of woman's power expressed in her poetry.

She was the founder president of Rag Virag Educational and Cultural Society. The Society was her dream for promoting music and dance etc.

Society has launched a memorial award after her name to be presented every year to a young poet for his/her poetic work. Till now Nilesh Raghuvanshi, Pawan Karan, Nirmala Putul, Manjari Dubey and Anita Verma have been honoured with this award.


For more details see the book “Sheila Ki Stri – Vimarshkari Kavita Par Alochakon Ki Ankhen”.
'khyk fl¼kUrdj fyf[kr dfork laxzg

1- vkSjr lqyxrh gqbZ % 10 #-

2- A Woman Smouldering % 90 #-

(A Translation in English by D. Prakash)

3- dgks dqN viuh ckr % 150 #-

4- dfork dh rhljh fdrkc % lftYn 100 #-

isij cSd 50 #-

5- dfork dh vkf[kjh fdrkc % lftYn 150 #-

isij cSd 50 #

In Lieu of Introduction

New Era of Imperialism

And

New Proletarian Revolution

Those who do not recognise the changing dimension of Imperialism or knowingly do not intend to do so, they all have started denying the very existence of Imperialism today and those who fail to deny, invent progressiveness of the role of Imperialism. They claim that higher productive forces of Imperialism have played a role of qualitative change in the lower productive forces. This way, Imperialism has been a new tool, breaking status quo against the inertia and its role in its changed form in the light of globalisation is progressive. Those who put such proposition forget the basic character of Imperialism and collaborating with new capital, trying continuously to the contradictions by artificial means.

It is opposed to the dialectical method and historical materialist concept that capital is becoming newer from the new and proletariat remains old. It is having some meaning to become new for proletariats and to become new, its role is essential.

Seeing the assailant tendency, various Marxist-Leninist leaders, and intellectuals had declared it a new Imperialist and social fascist. Today, when, instead of correctly recognising the new era of Imperialism, those who call the present Imperialism the new Imperialism, they do the work of forgetting the old historical context. For this very reason, to put the correct thinking at the correct place, the CPIML New Proletarian has given the call of new proletarian revolution in the new era of Imperialism. New Proletarian revolution, may be a stage of revolution for some people; but for us, it is such a revolution to which, instead of arresting the stage, we not only see new to newer and high to higher form of practice of struggling philosophy and active ideology of both internal and external aspects of its formal and objective content, but we are developing it too. Starting with this conception, if we conduct a new campaign by adding the live part of the past with the active part of the present, then it is clear that science and technique, communication and information, politics and philosophy; all in all can become the tool for moving ahead. This is the reason, why we are moving towards the development in the form of modern communist party free from the past communist party by taking initiative of adding the lowest end with the top most end of the proletariat.

The Communist Party we are developing is not only having the agenda of negating the old communist party but also the old and new bourgeois parties. That does not presume such an alternative which would be alternative for the alternative sake. Therefore today’s proletarian alternative is the development of the new proletarian revolution and proletarianisation of continuous revolutionary method. The process of its economic, political and social transformation would be applied by the new method instead of metaphysical and the old so called socialist rule and those aspects of society which have lost their essence during a century that required rejection. Therefore we are to do something new. Inevitably the new proletarian dictatorship is to be proved. The new proletarian revolution is not to be confused with new socialist revolution.

Proletariat cannot emancipate itself unless it equips other classes for it freedom. It’s own freedom will have to understand the pervasiveness of the freedom of others. We commit to develop it theoretically and practically. If in the last seventy-five years the existence of the communist party in the country has been providing progressiveness to the bourgeoisie, we will have to rein it and take new initiative independently. Usually, in the name of freedom we have to face anarchy. Therefore, we always take freedom relatively and place autonomy in the centre of centralism. Then and only then we can see the concept of legitimate opposition in the right perspective which we are committed to.



Revolutionary Greetings on the Second conference of ICTU
Message from Dr. K.S. Sharma, president, Indian Revolutionary Trade Unions Confederation., Hubli, Karnataka.
Dear Comrade Sheo Mangal Siddhankar,
Kindly accept my revolutionary greetings on the occasion of the 2nd Central Conference of the Indian Council of Trade Unions, being held at New Delhi on 29th and 30th May 2011. I should have been there to participate in the deliberations of this very significant conference being held at a time when Indian Trade Unionism is at cross-roads, but due to my severe indisposition, I have been advised not to undertake long journeys for the present and thus I am compelled to skip this very important event. My mind and heart are with you in the conference, though I am physically compelled to be away.

At the outset, I wish the conference will have fruitful deliberations and culminate successfully to pave a new path for the Indian working class, which is in a dilemma. For an occasion of this kind I thought it better to pen a few of my stray thoughts on the role of trade unions, the tasks of the working class in this country, at this juncture and thus this note.

The focus of the conference is well structured – “unity of uncommonness to bolster to the opposite”. The five topics thrown up for discussion deserve to be debated thoroughly and thrashedout. The role of new proletarians is posing a formidable problem both regarding their organization and their role and tasks. How to amalgamate, the old proletariat with the New Proletariat is the formidable question. These need to be understood, and analysed and a path chalked out to put up a united struggle against the exploiting national, multi-national operators. Globalisation needs to be understood in its correct perspective and the role of the exploited classes in defeating the exploiting classes, needs to be re-defined and re-worked. It is keeping the above tasks of the conference that I have prepared this note.

That the Indian Council of Trade Unions was founded on Marx’s birthday, May 5, gives this council added significance. The founder-chairman Sheo Mangal Siddhantkar’s deep conviction in Marxism, is amply reflected in the functioning of ICTU. Siddhantkar being also the founder of CPI-ML (New Proletarian) has made a significant contribution to the theory and practice of Marxism to Indian conditions.

In this context, let me recall the opinion you expressed about the historic role of USSR and China, way back in 1983, which is still relevant: “We cannot escape the realities of Marxism – Leninism in USSR and China. That created developed, destroyed and preserved. They are our legacies. Let us be intellectually honest to Marxism as a science. Last 73 years of practice cannot be a void in the history of proletarian movement in USSR and China. We have to draw our practical lessons and go ahead. Our concept of TMP Technical and Managerial Proletariat fills that void in last 4 decades of Communist parties the world over, a new class, a class of new proletarians…….. That is not a proletarian bourgeois”. You had also remarked – “Where was the question of restoration of capitalism when actually the material base for socialism was not yet built and only transition to socialism was underway. Deng was only resorting to necessary measures and departures for further development of productive forces, to go ahead so that socialism can be built on such a foundation”. Your slogan “Slaves fight among themselves; Free People fight against the enemy” reflects the need to fight imperialism.

At this juncture, when India is full of divisive theories and practices, based on religion, caste, region etc, working classes and parties

claiming to represent them are equally if not more infected with these theories and practices. This is in addition to the political differences, often tainted by caste, communal, regional politics in addition to politics of class collaboration. Unity of working class despite differences or uncommonness will be possible only when these tendencies are fought within the working class and its party.

In this context it is relevant to quote Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, who reflected as follows regarding Parliamentary Democracy and the role of Trade Unions and the working class. He said “Parliamentary Democracy, notwithstanding the paraphernalia of a popular government, is in reality a government of a hereditary subject class by a hereditary ruling class. Then posing the question “who is responsible for this?” he said – “There is no doubt that if Parliamentary Democracy has failed to benefit the poor, the labouring and the downtrodden classes, it is these classes, who are primarily, responsible for it”. He said: “…….. They have developed no ambition to capture government, and are not even convinced of the necessity of controlling government, as a necessary means of safeguarding their interests. Indeed they are not even interested in government”. Dr. Ambedkar had warned: “It would be great mistake to suppose that Trade Unions are a panacea for all the ills of Labour” and proposed “The first thing to do is to discard mere establishment of Trade Unions as the final aim and object of labour of India. It must declare that its aim is to put labour in charge of government. For this it must organize a labour party as a political party ….. Labour will have to prove positively that it can govern better”.

These statements of Dr. Ambedkar are reminiscent of the pronouncement of Karl Marx in Communist Manifesto. “The first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class, to win the battle for democracy”.

Thus the working class should never forget the prescription given by Karl Marx, that the proletarian class should become the Ruling Class in order to put an end to the exploitative capitalistic system.

An important aspect to be noted is that class analysis as a mode of intellectual discourse, and social class as the pivoted axis of political mobilization, have both suffered marginalization, although certainly not complete collapse, in the face of the casualization of work, trade union decline and the fracturing of socialist political formations, not to mention the impact of neo-liberal and post-modernist ideas. This is undoubtedly the case not only in capitalist countries but also in other parts of the world as well.

In this context one dimension that has to be addressed to refresh class analysis is to develop the theoretical capacity to understand a world in which an emerging “cybertariat” coexists with “Peasantries”, not to mention the increasing number of factory workers worldwide. It is in this context that the concepts of “New Proletariat” ie. TMP and the “Unity of Uncommonness” assume a place of increased significance.

I conclude by extending revolutionary greetings to all the comrades participating in this historic conference and hope that this conference would pave the path for the establishment of a real and new socialist society in India.


Directory: Publication
Publication -> Higher Education Academy Essay Competition 2006: How does your experience of the course compare with any expectations you may have had? David Cardenas-Mazurkiewicz, Royal Holloway University of London
Publication -> General information
Publication -> TSusUnz ds miU;klksa esa ukjh ifjdYiuk] MkW0 e/kq flag] vkUohf{kdh fjlpZ tujy] tqykbZ&vxLr 2007
Publication -> A&m college (Lexington, Ky.), 78: 209, 96: 55-58
Publication -> Forthcoming in Journal of European Public Policy
Publication -> Publications for Mathew Aitchison 2015
Publication -> Chapter 1 Ombubsman overview
Publication -> Report on Student Academic Integrity and Allegations of Contract Cheating by University Students
Publication -> Journal of Postsecondary Education and Disability Volume 23, Number 1 (2010) Special Issue: Disability Studies Guest Editor

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