62 Speech Challenge Explanation/Instructions

NC — Ban Private Schools CP

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1NC — Ban Private Schools CP

First off is the Ban Private Schools Counterplan.

The United States federal government should abolish private and parochial K-12 schools and require compulsory attendance in public K-12 schools in the United States.

Only the counterplan can remedy educational inequalities — it’s impossible as long as private schools exist.

Chemerinsky 15 — Erwin Chemerinsky, Dean, Distinguished Professor of Law, and Raymond Pryke Professor of First Amendment Law at the University of California-Irvine School of Law, former Alston & Bird Professor of Law and Political Science at Duke University, former Sydney M. Irmas Professor of Public Interest Law, Legal Ethics, and Political Science and Director of the Center for Communications Law and Policy at the University of Southern California Law School, holds a J.D. from Harvard Law School and a B.S. from Northwestern University where he is a member of the Debate Society Hall of Achievement, 2015 (“Remedying Separate and Unequal: Is It Possible to Create Equal Educational Opportunity?,” The Enduring Legacy of Rodriguez: Creating New Pathways to Equal Educational Opportunity, Edited by Charles J. Ogletree, Jr. and Kimberly Jenkins Robinson, Published by Harvard Education Press, ISBN 9781612508313, p. 249-250)

On May 17, 2014, the nation celebrated the sixtieth anniversary of the Supreme Court’s landmark decision in Brown v. Board of Education.1 The simple and tragic reality is that American public education is separate and unequal.2 Schools today are more segregated than they have been for decades, and segregation is rapidly increasing. Wide disparities exist in funding for schools. In Brown, Chief Justice Earl Warren spoke eloquently of the importance of education and how separate can never be equal.3 More than a half century later, in an even more technologically complex society, education is even more essential.

The causes for this tragedy are easy to recite. There never has been the political will to pursue equal educational opportunity. No president since the 1960s has devoted any attention to decreasing segregation or to equalizing school funding. The Supreme Court refused to allow the needed steps to deal with the problem in its holding that metropolitan school districts can be created as a remedy only in very limited circumstances and that disparities in school funding do not violate the Constitution.4 Moreover, Supreme Court [end page 249] decisions in the 1990s have required the lifting of even successful desegregation orders, causing the resegregation of schools.5 The Court’s most recent decision about school desegregation, Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1, greatly limited the ability of school boards to pursue voluntary desegregation plans, such as by considering race as one factor in assigning students so as to enhance diversity.6

In this essay, I look behind these explanations and argue that the central problem in achieving equal educational opportunity has been the lack of a unitary system of education. Desegregation will not occur in most cities so long as parents can move their children to suburban or private schools. Adequate, let alone equal, funding for schools will not occur so long as wealthy parents can send their children to private or suburban schools, where far more is spent on education than in inner cities. A crucial aspect of Brown’s wisdom was the importance of a unitary system of education. Minority children are far more likely to receive quality education when their schooling is tied to that of wealthy white children. The failure to create truly unitary systems is the core explanation for the inequalities in American schools today.

Consider a simple analogy: the dual system of medical care. If wealthy people had to receive their medical treatment in public hospitals, is there any doubt that the quality of those hospitals would be dramatically different? But so long as the public hospital system is just for poor people, and often predominately racial minorities at that, they never will be of the same quality as top private hospitals. The same is true of schools.

Therefore, I propose a radical solution: the abolition of private and parochial schools in the United States and the creation of large metropolitan school districts. Under this proposal, every child will be required to attend these public schools. In this way, there truly would be a unitary system of education and, as a result, equality of school funding and meaningful desegregation. Desegregation and equalization of funding can be achieved through this approach, but probably not otherwise.

1NC — School Choice CP

Next off is the School Choice Counterplan.

The United States federal government should substantially restrict K-12 education monopolies and support school choice for parents and students by:

* attaching federal education funds to individual students and conditioning the receipt of federal funds to a school’s participation in an open enrollment process conducted by a state-sanctioned authority;

* allowing states to opt out of the statutory and regulatory requirements of federal education laws in exchange for creating a marketplace of informed school choice and competition including public, charter, private, and virtual schools;

* promoting informed parental choice by producing and disseminating research on the relative performance of students at each school; and

* enforcing civil rights laws regarding education.

First, the counterplan is the best way to improve K-12 education because it promotes competition and choice.

Whitehurst 12 — Grover J. “Russ” Whitehurst, Director of the Brown Center on Education Policy at the Brookings Institution, Member of The Koret Task Force on K–12 Education—a group of senior education scholars brought together by the Hoover Institution, former Director of the Institute of Education Sciences at the U.S. Department of Education, former U.S. Assistant Secretary for Educational Research and Improvement, former Chair of the Department of Psychology at the State University of New York at Stony Brook, holds a Ph.D. in Experimental Child Psychology from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2012 (“Let the Dollars Follow the Child,” Education Next, Volume 12, Number 2, Spring, Available Online at http://educationnext.org/let-the-dollars-follow-the-child/, Accessed 06-15-2017)

Washington is at a crossroads on K–12 education policy. Policymakers can 1) continue down the path of top-down accountability; 2) devolve power to states and districts, thereby returning to the status quo of the mid-1990s; or 3) rethink the fundamentals, do something different, and empower parental choice.

The federal government’s involvement in K–12 education has accelerated through the Clinton, Bush, and Obama administrations. The best evidence indicates that this substantially heightened federal role has had only modest impact on student achievement, far short of what had been hoped. It might be that further centralization would yield more benefits, but it is doubtful that more federal control is politically possible, and, in any case, any additional yield is uncertain.

The second option—devolving recently accumulated federal power to the states—underlies recent reauthorization proposals for the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) that allow each state to establish its own accountability system and that require teeth only for the very lowest-performing schools. It is unclear to us how releasing states and school districts from federal accountability and granting them maximum flexibility is anything more than a return to the status quo. It is the regrettable consequence of that approach that motivated increased federal involvement in the first place.

The Koret Task Force at the Hoover Institution (see sidebar, page 16), of which I am a member, believes that an evolved form of the ESEA that retains rigorous accountability is preferable to returning control of public schooling to local public-school monopolies and states, which will fall into old habits all too quickly. But we believe that the best interests of the nation require something other than either a return to the happy days of local school governance or evolutionary improvements to the type of top-down accountability found in No Child Left Behind.

We need a fundamentally new approach.

We propose to reform the nation’s schools on the basis of two principles that have served the nation exceedingly well throughout its history: federalism and choice. The federal structure of our government offers an opportunity to specify the role of Washington strategically, to leverage what it clearly can do best, while allocating to states and locales what they are best suited to do. Our particular view of federalism is disciplined by the laws of economics and empirical experience, a perspective known as fiscal federalism. The second organizing principle is choice. Much has been written and studied regarding choice in education—on charter schools, vouchers, choice among district schools, and much more—but the idea, so powerful in our economy and in other enterprises, including higher education, has rarely been examined in the context of federalism and the appropriate roles of Washington and lower levels of government.

A New Framework

What is fiscal federalism? Fiscal federalism argues that government services are most efficiently delivered if provided closest to the taxpayers or consumers receiving them, and that competition among local governments for residents and taxpayers will improve those services. In the context of public education, the challenge is to identify the areas of constraint for local providers of education services, determine which can be best addressed by state government, and assign the remainder to Washington.

But there is a fundamental flaw in fiscal federalism theory as it applies to education: the ability of taxpaying parents of school-age children to vote with their feet (leave school districts with which they are dissatisfied) is severely constrained for the low-income populations that are most likely to find themselves served by low-performing schools. This lack of geographical mobility for large segments of the population undermines the competitive pressure that low-performing schools and school districts would otherwise expect to face. This leaves those districts vulnerable to the interests of whoever is powerful at the local level, more often than not organizations that represent teachers who are employed by school districts, rather than to the influence of parents and taxpayers.

One way to correct the strong tendency of local school bureaucracies to cater more to adult than student interests is to intervene from above, the course of action taken by Washington over the last 15 years. We argue that this has been only weakly effective while imposing a heavy regulatory burden on schools. We propose instead to create real competition for students and the public funding that accompanies them among the providers of K–12 education services. Considerable research indicates that schools respond to competitive pressure. In a systematic review of 41 empirical studies on this topic through 2002, Columbia University researchers Clive Belfield and Henry Levin found that “a sizable majority report beneficial effects of competition.”

In our proposal, funding must follow students and be weighted to compensate for the extra costs associated with high-need students if schools are to compete for students and if parents are to have real choice. Parents must have the widest possible choice of schools for their children and be armed with good information on the performance of schools. Informed choice that is accompanied by financial consequences for schools will create a marketplace for schooling that will evolve toward greater responsiveness to what parents want, will be more innovative, and will become more productive.

A Role for Washington

The federal government currently funds a wide range of K–12 education initiatives (see Table 1). The task force has identified just four functions that are essential to its role in education: creating and disseminating information on school performance in each classroom and program effectiveness, including information on individual student performance; enforcing civil rights laws; providing financial support to high-need students; and enhancing competition among providers.

Information: The provision of information on the condition of education and on the results of education research is primarily a public service. In such situations, a serious free-rider problem exists: because it is impossible to prevent a class of consumers who have not paid for the information from consuming it, far too little evidence will be produced if it is not supported by an organization with the entire nation’s interests at heart. The free-rider problem is one reason that state and local authorities cannot be entrusted with the task of knowledge production. Furthermore, evidence does not merely need to be produced; it needs to be based on high-quality data. Gathering and auditing data are almost pure public services. Thus, it is easy to justify federal support for research, data gathering, and dissemination of information. Without valid information on the performance of students at each school relative to that of their peers across the country, the entire education enterprise flies blind, leaving parents, teachers, school managers, and policymakers with nothing more than intuition and consensus as the basis for making decisions.

Civil Rights: When state and local actions in education are discriminatory, the federal government should step in to enforce civil rights laws. Acts of unjust discrimination, such as those that would deny a student an educational experience for which the student is qualified based solely on race, gender, disability, or other protected status, are costly to society. Students who fail to be educated may need cash transfers as adults; they might take up crime or engage in other antisocial behaviors. Owing to mobility and society-wide redistribution, we all suffer in these cases. Thus, the federal government, and not merely state and local governments, has an obligation to curb discrimination.

Compensatory Funding: Regardless of whether the underlying cause is disability, lack of English proficiency, or poverty, high-need students are more expensive to educate than other students. Failure to provide additional resources can provide an incentive for other students to move to another school if they are able. The burden that the high-need student produces will thus be disproportionately borne by those who are too immobile to avoid it, most likely other high-need students. The federal government can counteract these inequities through cash transfers. The difficulty is figuring out the right financial supplement and the best mechanism for distributing it.

Title I of the ESEA and the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) are designed to disburse funds to states and school districts for the education of high-need students. Rather than the complicated federal schemes under which funds are currently disbursed to districts, funds should be attached to the student. Individual schools would receive federal funds based on student counts, with a weighting formula to adjust for factors such as the increased burden of educating high-need students and for regional differences in costs. Sometimes called “backpack funding,” weighted funding that follows the student has been shown to direct proportionally more funds to schools that serve needy students than traditional distribution schemes.

Choice and Competition: The federal government can and should restrict education monopolies and support school choice for parents and students. The current system, which relies on residential mobility to drive school districts to improve education services, does not work well enough to improve education outcomes or to ensure equity. Such a system consigns the poor and immobile to inferior schools and leaves the control of schools in the hands of those who benefit most from the status quo. The simple feature of eliminating a default school assignment by the school district—thus requiring every parent to engage in school choice—eliminates socioeconomic differences in the likelihood that parents will shop for schools. Further, if parents could exercise school choice through web-based portals that highlight the important variables of school performance, socioeconomic differences in knowledge could be muted. Here, again, the federal government has a role to play, for example, by funding open competitions for designers and implementers of school-choice portals.

Market-based competition cannot prevail in public education unless the consumers of public education can choose where to be schooled. We propose that as a condition of the receipt of federal funds to support the education of individual students, schools be required to participate in an open enrollment process conducted by a state-sanctioned authority. Such a process would maximize the matches between school and student preferences. Unified open-enrollment systems that encompass as many choices as possible from the regular public, charter, private, and virtual school universes are essential to the expansion of choice and competition in K–12 education. These systems have to be designed so that all schools have the same time frame for applications and admission decisions, and so that they cannot be gamed by either schools or applying families.

The federal government has a legitimate role in overseeing the marketplace for schooling, including the architecture of parental choice systems. It is in the interest of society that the concentration of high-need students not increase in particular schools. Choice systems have to be carefully and explicitly designed to avoid students being sorted by race, economic background, and other conditions. Several options exist for ensuring that schools cannot discriminate against groups of students, including a lottery system (currently required in federal regulations for start-up charter schools), controlled choice (in which algorithms are used to maintain balanced enrollment), and a financial or fee supplement attached to students in protected classes.

Second, school choice is the most effective way to improve K-12 education — the best meta-study proves.

Wolf 16 — Patrick J. Wolf, Distinguished Professor of Education Policy and 21st Century Endowed Chair in School Choice in the Department of Education Reform at the University of Arkansas College of Education and Health Professions, Principal Investigator of the School Choice Demonstration Project, holds a Ph.D. in Government from Harvard University, 2016 (“School Choice Boosts Test Scores,” Jay P. Greene’s Blog—a scholarly education blog, May 10th, Available Online at https://jaypgreene.com/2016/05/10/school-choice-boosts-test-scores/, Accessed 06-19-2017)

Private school choice remains a controversial education reform. Choice programs, involving school vouchers, tax-credit scholarships, or Education Savings Accounts (ESAs), provide financial support to families who wish to access private schooling for their child. Once declared dead in the U.S. by professional commentators such as Diane Ravitch and Greg Anrig, there are now 50 private school choice programs in 26 states plus the District of Columbia. Well over half of the initiatives have been enacted in the past five years. Private school choice is all the rage.

But does it work? M. Danish Shakeel, Kaitlin Anderson, and I just released a meta-analysis of 19 “gold standard” experimental evaluations of the test-score effects of private school choice programs around the world. The sum of the reliable evidence indicates that, on average, private school choice increases the reading scores of choice users by about 0.27 standard deviations and their math scores by 0.15 standard deviations. These are highly statistically significant, educationally meaningful achievement gains of several months of additional learning from school choice. The achievement benefits of private school choice appear to be somewhat larger for programs in developing countries than for those in the U.S. Publicly-funded programs produce larger test-score gains than privately-funded ones.

The clarity of the results from our statistical meta-analysis contrasts with the fog of dispute that often surrounds discussions of the effectiveness of private school choice. Why does our summing of the evidence identify school choice as a clear success while others have claimed that it is a failure (see here and here)? Three factors have contributed to the muddled view regarding the effectiveness of school choice: ideology, the limitations of individual studies, and flawed prior reviews of the evidence.

School choice programs support parents who want access to private schooling for their child. Some people are ideologically opposed to such programs, regardless of the effects of school choice. Other people have a vested interest in the public school system and resist the competition for students and funds that comes with private school choice. No amount of evidence is going to change their opinion that school choice is bad.

A second source of disputes over the effectiveness of choice are the limits of each individual empirical study of school choice. Some are non-experimental and can’t entirely rule out selection bias as a factor in their results (see here, and here). Fortunately, over the past 20 years, some education researchers have been able to use experimental methods to evaluate privately- and publicly-funded private school choice programs. Experimental evaluations take the complete population of students who are eligible for a choice program and motivated to use it, then employ a lottery to randomly assign some students to receive a school-choice voucher or scholarship and the rest to serve in the experimental control group. Since only random chance, and not parental motivation, determines who gets private school choice and who doesn’t, gold standard experimental evaluations produce the most reliable evidence regarding the effectiveness of choice programs. We limit our meta-analysis to the 19 gold standard studies of private school choice programs globally.

Each of the gold standard studies, in isolation, has certain limitations. In the experimental evaluation of the initial DC Opportunity Scholarship Program that I led from 2004 to 2011, the number of students in testing grades dropped substantially from year 3 to year 4, leading to a much noisier estimate of the reading impacts of the program, which were positive but just missed being statistically significant with 95% confidence. Two experimental studies of the Charlotte privately-funded scholarship program, here and here, reported clear positive effects on student test scores but were limited to just a single year after random assignment. Two recent experimental evaluations of the Louisiana Scholarship Program found negative effects of the program on student test scores but one study was limited to just a single year of outcome data and the second one (which I am leading) has only analyzed two years of outcome data so far. The Louisiana program, and the state itself, are unique in certain ways, as are many of the programs and locations that have been evaluated. What are we to conclude from any of these individual studies?

Meta-analysis is an ideal approach to identifying the common effect of a policy when many rigorous but small and particular empirical studies vary in their individual conclusions. It is a systematic and scientific way to summarize what we know about the effectiveness of a program like private school choice. The sum of the evidence points to positive achievement effects of choice.

Finally, most of the previous reviews of the evidence on school choice have generated more fog than light, mainly because they have been arbitrary or incomplete in their selection of studies to review. The most commonly cited school choice review, by economists Cecilia Rouse and Lisa Barrow, declares that it will focus on the evidence from existing experimental studies but then leaves out four such studies (three of which reported positive choice effects) and includes one study that was non-experimental (and found no significant effect of choice). A more recent summary, by Epple, Romano, and Urquiola, selectively included only 48% of the empirical private school choice studies available in the research literature. Greg Forster’s Win-Win report from 2013 is a welcome exception and gets the award for the school choice review closest to covering all of the studies that fit his inclusion criteria – 93.3%. (Greg for the win!)

Our meta-analysis avoided all three factors that have muddied the waters on the test-score effects of private school choice. It is a non-ideological scientific enterprise, as we followed strict meta-analytic principles such as including every experimental evaluation of choice produced to date, anywhere in the world. Our study was accepted for presentation at competitive scientific conferences including those of the Society for Research on Education Effectiveness, the Association for Education Finance and Policy, and the Association for Policy Analysis and Management. Our study is not limited by small sample sizes or only a few years of outcome data. It is informed by all the evidence from all the gold standard studies. Finally, there is nothing arbitrary or selective in our sample of experimental evaluations. We included all of them, regardless of their findings. When you do the math, students achieve more when they have access to private school choice.

Third, school choice is key to equal opportunity and integration. The plan locks students into a failed system.

Ford 17 — Virginia Walden Ford, Executive Director of D.C. Parents for School Choice—the political grassroots organization that successfully lobbied for voucher legislation in DC, 2017 (“School choice the fastest track to integration,” The Hill, May 23rd, Available Online at http://thehill.com/blogs/pundits-blog/education/334608-school-choice-the-fastest-track-to-integration, Accessed 06-19-2017)

Access to a quality education shouldn’t depend on where you live, where you came from or how much money you make.

As a mom who fought like heck to make sure my son was in the right schooling environment for him, I believe education is a basic American right that keeps our nation on the right track.

But recent history has shown that public schools are increasingly segregated not just by race, but also by income. Families too often are forced to send their child to a default school, regardless of the quality of the education or the achievement level of their peers. It wasn’t supposed to be this way.

The landmark Supreme Court case Brown vs. the Board of Education of Topeka — a unanimous decision that ended the deplorable “separate-but-equal” statutes that had been in place — turns 63 this month. In the 1960s and 1970s, the decision worked to integrate schools, especially as neighborhoods became more racially integrated.

But by the 1980s, neighborhoods continued becoming more integrated, but public schools went in the opposite direction.

Between 1970 and 2009, income-based segregation more than doubled, with the percentage of families residing either in “affluent” or “low-income” neighborhoods going from 15 percent to 33 percent.

When it comes to residential real estate, schools often wind up linked to property values. That means the price of renting or owning in a “good” district continues to rise, making economic integration an impossibility for many families.

Worse, there are those who use the economic segregation of education to reverse the original intent of the justices in Brown.

Take, for example, the recent case of Gardendale, Ala., a predominantly white suburb that’s attempting to separate itself from the much more diverse Jefferson County school district to which it belongs.

A number of minority students from other parts of Jefferson County have taken advantage of intradistrict school choice to attend school in Gardendale. Instead of embracing these students, families in Gardendale want to create their own district, and some have openly admitted their motivation is race-based.

The Jefferson County students may soon be denied the access to a quality education that we have repeatedly said defines our nation.

The reality is that Brown didn’t get us where we need to be: It broke down barriers but failed to establish new pathways. That’s why I strongly believe that we must have a robust system of state-based educational choice if we ever intend to empower every K-12 student in America.

School choice addresses the problem of deepening segregation in two ways: First, it uncouples the decisions about where to live and where to send children to school. Second, it allows schools to provide different educational offerings to different audiences, empowering families to choose schools based on what their students actually need.

If we truly want to desegregate our schools and promote academic achievement, here are three easy ways to get started:

First, enact universal school choice programs that allow all families to access the funds that are set aside by state governments to educate their students. Programs can be scaled to ensure greater access for lower-income and special needs families, but universality helps erode non-economic barriers and makes sure all families have shared interests in the sustainability of these programs.

Second, work with education providers, community groups, policymakers and other stakeholders to promote accountability and prevent fraud using a common-sense system of checks and balances.

Finally, make sure families are aware of and understand the schooling options available to their students, including information available in multiple languages, outreach from community groups and services to help with application forms along with other administrative support.

We know this approach works. State-based choice programs across America have been proven to improve academic outcomes, raise parental satisfaction and produce more civic-minded, tolerant students.

As Congress prepares to ask Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos next week about the Trump administration’s education budget, Members should consider the importance of school choice policies made at the local and state level as opposed to being dictated by the federal government.

Two decades ago, as a single mom trying to find the best educational fit for my kids, I didn’t know where to turn. My son was only able to access a great education because he received a private scholarship that paid his private school tuition. I know how drastically different — and worse — his life would be without that education.

When the Supreme Court unanimously decided in Brown more than six decades ago, the justices surely didn’t anticipate desegregation followed by intense re-segregation and self-segregation.

Until the system of haves and have-nots, historically and presently defined by race and money, is upended, American K-12 education will continue to exist as a separated, unequal enterprise.

True school choice — making sure all students can get in where they fit in — will help solve the K-12 integration dilemma.

Fourth, the plan and permutation make revolutionary school innovation impossible. Only universal choice solves.

Forster 16 — Greg Forster, Senior Fellow with the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice, holds a Ph.D. in Political Philosophy from Yale University, 2016 (A Win-Win Solution: The Empirical Evidence on School Choice, Fourth Edition, May, Available Online at http://www.edchoice.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/A-Win-Win-Solution-The-Empirical-Evidence-on-School-Choice.pdf, Accessed 06-19-2017, p. 35)

Only Universal School Choice Can Sustain Dramatic Change

Ultimately, the only way to make school reform work on a large scale is to break the government monopoly on schooling. The monopoly is not just one powerful obstacle to reform among many; it is what makes all the many obstacles as powerful as they are. The monopoly ensures that no meaningful accountability for performance can occur, except in rare cases as a result of Herculean efforts. The monopoly empowers a dense cluster of rapacious special interests resisting efforts to improve schools.

The monopoly creates an environment where the urgent need for change cannot be made a tangible part of the daily cultural life of the school. Institutional culture in the existing system is hostile, not just to this or that reform, but also to reform in general, because the monopoly excludes the only institutional basis for making the need for change seem plausible and legitimate: the prospect of losing the institution’s client base and the funding that goes with it.

When any institution has a captive client base, support for innovation vanishes. Reform requires people and institutions to do uncomfortable new things, and change will not occur until discomfort with the status quo becomes greater than the discomfort of the change. An institution with captive clients can continue to function into the foreseeable future more or less as it always has, without change. Why not just continue doing things in the way that feels comfortable and natural?

Worst of all, the monopoly pushes out educational entrepreneurs who can reinvent schools from the ground up. Only a thriving marketplace that allows entrepreneurs to get the support they need by serving their clients better can produce sustainable innovation.

In any field of human endeavor—whether education, medicine, politics, art, religion, manufacturing, or anything else—entrepreneurs who want to strike out in new directions and do things radically differently need a client base. There need to be people who will benefit from the new direction and support it. And that client base must be robust on three dimensions: size, strength, and suffrage. There must be enough supporters; they must have enough ability to provide support; and they must have enough freedom to decide for themselves what to support.

The government school monopoly crowds out this client base. School choice has the potential to solve this problem by providing enough families (size) with enough dollars (strength) and enough choice (suffrage) to support educational entrepreneurs. Unfortunately, existing school choice programs fall short on all three dimensions. Only universal choice can open the door to the full-fledged revolution in schooling America needs in the new century.

Finally, the counterplan alone is key to prevent coercion. Reject the plan because it is an unethical violation of freedom.

McCluskey 16 — Neal McCluskey, Director of the Center for Educational Freedom at the Cato Institute, former Policy Analyst at the Center for Education Reform, holds a Ph.D. in Public Policy from George Mason University, 2016 (“Ultimately, ‘School Choice’ Must Be about Freedom,” Cato At Liberty—the Cato Institute’s blog, January 25th, Available Online at https://www.cato.org/blog/ultimately-school-choice-must-be-about-freedom, Accessed 06-19-2017)

It is National School Choice Week, and this ever-growing event-of-events will feature discussions throughout the country tackling test scores, competition, empowering the poor, efficient use of taxpayer dollars, monopoly breaking, and numerous other, very important topics. But ultimately just one goal must be paramount: maximizing freedom. In the end, it is defending liberty – the true, bedrock American value – that school choice must be about.

This is first and foremost a normative conviction. Freedom must have primacy because society is ultimately composed of individuals, and leaving individuals the right and ability to control their own lives is fundamentally more just than having the state – be it through a single dictator, or majority of voters – control our thoughts, words, or actions.

Of course, children are subject to someone’s control no matter what. But a corollary to free individuals, especially when no one is omniscient and there is no unanimous agreement on what is the “right” way to live, or think, or believe, must be free association – free, authentic communities. We must allow people and communities marked by hugely diverse religious, philosophical, or moral views, and rich ethnic and cultural identities and backgrounds, to teach their children those things. Short of stopping incitement of violence or clear parental abuse, the state should have no authority to declare that “your culture is acceptable,” or “yours must go.” Indeed, crush the freedom of communities and you inevitably cripple [destroy] individual liberty, taking away one’s choices of how and with whom to live.

Of course, the reasons to demand educational freedom are not just normative. They are also about effective education, and it is not hard to understand, at a very basic level, why.

If there are things on which all agree, choice is moot – all will teach and respect those things. But if we do not all agree, forcing diverse people to support a single system of “common” schools yields but three outcomes: first, divisive conflict; then, either inequality under the law – oppression – when one side wins and the other loses, or lowest-common-denominator curricula to keep the peace. Forced conflict and curricular mush no one should want. And inequality under the law we should all loathe and fear, even if we do not care about the rights of others and think we will come out the victors today. Tomorrow, we may not.

School choice is something for which all Americans should fight. But ultimately, it is too limiting. What we need is freedom for all.

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