1 religious encyclopedia ordeal

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hus, pp. 95‑96, London, 1900). In Ceram food on which a sword has been laid serves the same pur­pose; and in Tenimber the suspect sips of his own blood in which a sword has been dipped (J. G. F. Riedel, De Sluik en Kroes‑harige raasen tusschen Selebes en. Papua, pp. 129, 284, The Hague, 1886). A Samoyed drinks water to which gunpowder and earth have been added and in which a sword has been dipped, and invokes sickness, powder, and sword on himself if he be guilty (J. Georgi, Les Nations Samoyeds, p. 48, St. Petersburg, 1776); and Malays have a custom exactly parallel (W. W. Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 528, London, 1900). The Balinese use a bowl of pure water (A. Featherman, Social Hist. of the Races of Mankind, ii. 408, Lon­don, 1885). It is not unlikely that the element of the ordeal is to be traced in the initiation into the mysteries of savage tribes, the purport being to discover the acceptability of the candidates to the spirits which are patrons of the mysteries (cf. A. Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion, i. 281 aqq., Lon­don, 1887; R. H. Codrington, Melanesian Studies, chap. v., ib. 1891; J. G. Frazer, Golden Bough, iii. 204 sqq., 422 aqq., ib. 1900; and the work of Decle cited above, p. 78).

The native conservatism of man would justify the expectation that a custom so universal among primitive peoples would perpetuate itself among those more advanced and become parts of recog­nized judicial procedure. This is found to be the case. In Babylonia, in the code of

6. In Non‑ Hammurabi (see HAMMURABI AND His Christian CODE) §§ 2 and 132 provide for the

Codes. ordeal of water by casting into " the

holy river " a suspected sorcerer or

adulteress, the floating of the suspect proving in­

nocence (contrary to the usual judgment, see be­

low). In Zoroastrianism the Vendidad (iv. 54‑55)

notes an ordeal of " brimstone, golden, truth­

knowing water," but the context throws no light

upon the method of employing it. In iv. 44‑46

(128) boiling water appears as the means. The

Shayast la‑Shayast (xv. 14‑17) notes the unique

ordeal of molten metal which, poured over the body

or breast of the believer, is harmless or even pleas­

ant; but on sinners, eats the very flesh; the same

source (xiii. 17) refers to the six hot ordeals of the

Husparam (Sakadun) Nask. The Dadistani Dinik

(xxxvii. 74) refers to an ordeal of poison which ap­

parently the litigant seeks to evade. The Dinkart

(iv. 33) refers to fire and melted iron. In India the

Institutes of Vishnu (chaps. ix.‑xiv.; Eng. transl.,

SBE, Am. ed., viii. 1, pp. 52‑61) regulate the

use of ordeals and name those which involve hold­

ing, while taking the oath, a blade of grass, or of

sesamum, or of silver or gold, or of the lump of

earth from the furrow; the sacred libation of three

handfuls of water in which an image has been

washed, the balance, fire, water, and poisons, are

also named and treated. In an Indian fire ordeal

in the code of Yajnavalkya, the subject bathed,

rubbed his hands with rice bran, with a series of

seven vegetable objects, and with barley moistened

with curds, and then invoked the fire: " Thou, 0

fire, pervadest all things; 0 cause of purity, who

givest evidence of virtue and of sin, declare the

truth in my hand." He then carried the hot iron the stipulated distance.

In the Old Testament is given a typical case of the ordeal, the entire process being expressly under the protection and direction of religious author­ities (Num. v. 11‑31). An offering of distinctive character, one‑tenth of an ephah of barley meal without oil and frankincense, is brought to the priest and held during the trial by the woman sus­pected of wrongdoing. Into water

7. In the that has been consecrated by the priest Old he puts dust from the floor of the

Testament. tabernacle, and this mixture is held by the woman while the priest utters over her a promise of immunity from harm in case of her innocence, which, however, becomes a terrible impre­cation if she be guilty, to which the woman gives assent. The promise or imprecation is written in a book and then blotted out with part of the water of ordeal. Next the offering is taken from the woman's hand, waved toward the altar and a hand­ful of it burned; then the woman drinks the rest of the potion and goes free if she is innocent; or, in case of guilt, she is supposed to suffer death in a horrible form through the disruptive action of the otherwise harmless potion. There is no necessity in this case to fall back upon the explanation offered of infection by plague through water or dust in cases in which death followed the ordeal; a much closer and more effective explanation lies ready to hand in the operation of auto‑suggestion‑a principle abundantly in evidence among both primitive and advanced peoples. The essential of the ordeal is employed in the use of the lot, as when Achan's offense was discovered (Josh. vii. 13‑26) and in the case of Jonathan's breach of taboo (I Sam. xiv. 36­45). The combat of David with Goliath is an instance of the wager of battle. It is noteworthy that David speaks again and again of the Philis­tine defying "the armies of the living God," and in his answer to the taunt of Goliath says: " I come to thee in the name of the Lord of hosts, the God . . . whom thou halt defied " (I Sam. xvii). It is held by rabbinic interpreters of Ex. xxxii. 30 that the drinking of the water in which the gold dust from the calf of Sinai was mixed was an or­deal, the gold making red the beards of those who had worshiped the idol. AS exegesis this is, of course, unscientific; but it is interesting as mark­ing the continuance of the superstition among the Jews. In effect, but not in purpose, the episode of the three children in the fiery furnace (Dan. iii.) was an ordeal.

The peoples who were converted to Christianity brought with them this institution, and here, too, for a time the sanction of religion was given to its employment. Moreover, the legal status of the process is exhibited in the phrase used in docu­ments of the form judicium ferre, " judgment by iron," in the fact that the weight of 8. In Chris‑ the iron was in some parts fixed by tianity. law and the method of use was de­termined in the same manner, while the hand, after bandaging, was sealed by the judge's signet. The process as a judicial means is em­bodied in a number of European codes from the


eighth to the twelfth centuries, such as the Salic, Visigothic, Anglo‑Saxon, and Lombardic, ranging from England to Hungary and from Norway to Spain and Italy (cf. MGH, Leges, v. 599 aqq., and translations in Thatcher and McNeal, Source. Book, pp. 400 sqq.). The relation to the Church is shown by the fact that the ordeal was often pre­ceded by a two days' fast on bread and water in the case of the iron ordeal, three days if water was used, and the test took place after reception of the sacrament, that (as in Spain) the bishop blessed the iron, that often the abbeys were the custodians of the implements used, that the in­quisition had recourse to it, that such adjurations were used at the sacrament preceding as: " This body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ be to thee this day a manifestation " (E. Baluze, Miacel­lanea, ed. J. D. Mansi, ii. 575 etc., 4 vols., Paris, 1761‑64), and that exorcism of water was carried out with the use of a number of formulae still pre­served in Baluze. There was in many cases a solemn ceremony in the church, while the water, iron, or plowshare was placed in the church porch and sprinkled with holy water. The Slavs of Mecklen­burg (to cite only one example out of many) when converted were directed to refrain from taking oaths at sacred trees, fountains, and the like, to bring criminals to be tried by the hot iron or plow­share (E. Lindenborg, Scnptores rerum Gertnana­rum, p. 215, Frankfort, 1609). Hincmar of Reims defended on symbolic grounds the ordeal of boiling water, since it combined the elements of fire and water, and thus represented the final judgment and the deluge (De divortio Lotharii, vi. in MPL, cxxv.). The ordeal of cold water he defended on the same ground as did non‑Christians: " The pure nature of water recognizes as impure and rejects as incom­patible human nature which has become infected with guilt."

Yet the official attitude of the Church was not con­sistent. Synods in numbers directed, approved, or commended its use (so Salzburg, 799; Mainz, 848; Soiesons, 853; Worms, 868, of. Hefele, Concilienge­schichte, iv. 370; Tribur, 895; Tours, 925; Seligen­etadt, 1023; Mainz, 1028; Auch, 1068; Gran, 1099;

and Reims, 1157, against the Catha,ri). g. Official Gregory VII. (1073,85) approved and Ecclesiasti‑ used it; Calixtus II. approved it at cal Position. Reims (1119). Other ecclesiastics than

Hincmar (ut sup.) defended it, such as Guibert of Nogent (q.v.) and John, bishop of Avranches (1061); No of .Chartrea (q.v.) pro­nounced its decisions indisputable, while Honorius of Autun (q.v.) claimed it as a prerogative of his order (the Benedictine). In 1182 the abbey of La Sesuve received the right to enjoy the revenues proceeding from the fees charged for the process. Yet there was an intermittent undercurrent of pro­test beginning early. Avitus of Vienne (see Avrrus, ALcrmus ECDICIUBy‑n the sixth century objected to the use of the wager of battle; Agobard of Lyons (q.v.) wrote two works against the ordeal; Pope Leo IV. (847‑,855) condemned it, as did Stephen V. (885‑891), Sylvester TT. (999‑1003), Alexander II. (at the Fourth Lateran Synod, 1215, which forbade ecclesiastical ceremonies at ordeals), and Honorius

III. (1216‑27). The civil power shows the same

wavering. Charlemagne sanctioned the ordeal of

the cross among his descendants in cases of dispute

regarding territory; Louis le‑Dtbonnaire prohibited

it (816); his son, Lothair, first followed Louis, and

then sanctioned it; Henry IV. in 1219 directed

judicial officers to employ other methods, this being

prohibited by the Church; Alexander Il. of Scot­

land (thirteenth century) forbade it, as did the

Neapolitan code of 1231. While then the ordeal was

used under Christian auspices at least as early as

the sixth century it was still alive at the end of the

thirteenth century in Germany, in the sixteenth it

survived in Spain. During the sixteenth century

the cold‑water ordeal was revived in Germany for

the trial of witches, and in the seventeenth was a

recognized judicial procedure in France. James I.

of England defended the ordeal, and in his times

it was employed in Scotland, and in the nineteenth

century in Belgium; while upon the basis of a con­

fession procured by the use of the bier‑right a

conviction was obtained in New York State in

1824 and is recorded in the law books. On Nov.

17, 1908, it is reported from Monticello, Ark., that

an odd ordeal was proposed at a coroner's inquest,

viz., that the suspect's gun be fired, it being claimed

that if he were guilty, blood stains would show on

the barrel. After the test, the negro who proposed

it pointed out a red stain on the barrel (which

proved to be a rust stain), and the accused at once

cut his throat. GEo. W. GILMORE.

BIHLIOoEAPH7: Numerous German liturgical formulas for the ordeal are collected and edited by K. Zeumer in MGH, Leg., seetio V., i (1886). 599 sqq.; material is collected in Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources, vol. iv., Philadelphia, 1897. The chief work on the ordeal as employed by Christendom is F. Patetta, Le Ordalie, Turin, 1890; the best work in English is H. C. Lea, Superstition and Force, Philadelphia, 1893 (very full and satisfactory). Consult J. L. C. Grimm, Deutsche RechtB‑Alterthi2mer, PP. 908 sqq., GBttingen, 1828; H. T. Buckle, Hist. of Civili­s4tion, London, 1887; H. Brunner, Deutsche Rechtape­whichte, 2 vole., l;.eipsic, 1892; K. Lehmann, Das BaArpe­richt, in Germanietischa Abhandlunpen sum 70 Geburtstag A. von Maurers, GSttingen, 1893; J. B. Thayer, Preliminary Treatise on Evidence, vol. i., Boston, 1898. On the prac­tise among orientale consult: E. 3chlagintweit, Die Gotteaurtheile der Inder, Munich, 1866; 3. Des, Journey to Lhasa, pp. 188 eqq., Calcutta, 1893; L. Deele, Three gears in Savage Africa, p. 76, London, 1898• Miss M. H. Kings. leg. West African Studies, pp. 162‑166, London, 1899; J. G. Fraser, The Golden Bough, 3 vols., ib. 1900; C. Keller, Madagascar, pp. 95‑96, ib. 1900; E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture, ib. 1903. The best sources for a study of the ethnic phase of the subject are the books of travel among primitive peoples.
ORDER OF SALVATION (Ordo salutis): A

technical term of Protestant dogmatics to desig­

nate the consecutive steps in the work of the Holy

Spirit in the appropriation of salvation. The phrase

seems to occur for the first time in Buddeus (In8ti­

tutione8 theologise dogmatica, p. 40,

History Leipsic, 1723), but the idea is an inher­

of the ent constituent of the older Protes­

Term. tant dogmatics. In medieval theology

no definite analogue appears. As Prot­

estantism proceeded from thi criticism and displace­

ment of the Roman Catholic conceptions of repent­

ance, faith, and works, and as it recognized in faith

the form of the religious conviction, its interest


Order Salvation

from the beginning was turned toward the origin and development of religious acts in man. It was Calvin who ,grouped the conceptions of the order of salvation in a systematic way, by treating first of faith, then of repentance as regeneration and conversion which comprise the whole life of the Christian, then of justification, and finally of elec­tion. The Protestant confessions do not advance beyond this circle. Repentance, which comprises contrition and faith, is effected by the Law and the Gospel. The believer receives justification and forgiveness of sins as, on the other hand, his faith ‑the beginning of a new life effected by the Holy Spirit‑shows itself in good works (Augs. Con., art. xii.; Formula of Concord, Solida declaratio, art. xi., §§ 17 sqq.). Among the older Lutheran dog­maticians.and among the Reformed essentially the same order is found, but the division of the Re­formed was superior to that of the Lutherans in its simplicity and its conspicuous subordination of religious conditions to divine effects. The modern development of the doctrine begins with Schleier­macher. He interpreted the different parts of.the order of salvation as proceeding from Christian con­sciousness. Regeneration, as the fact of being re­ceived into life communion with Christ, comprises within itself the entrance into a new relation of man to God as well as the bags of a new form of life. The former is justification, the latter conver­sion; conversion includes penitence or repentance, which is effected by the view of the perfection of Christ, and faith as " the desire to accept the im­pulses of Christ." Justification consists in the ex­perience of the forgiveness of sins and adoption, and is therefore a subjective condition mediated by conversion. The division of Schleiermacher has found followers here and there in modern dog­matics, but, on the whole, the conceptions of the old dogmaticians have b:en retained.

In spite of the fact that the earlier conceptions are still in force, there exist considerable variations concerning their explanation and connection. In the Bible there is set forth no order of salvation in the sense of later dogmatics. The Biblical concep‑

tions may be arranged in the follow‑

Biblical ing manner: (1) Christ calls sinners to

Teaching. repentance and saves them (Matt. ix.

13, xi. 28 aqq.). By his work Christ effects repentance (Gk. metanoia) as well as faith. Faith is an effect and gift of God (John vi. 29). It is active in love (Gal. v. 6). (2) AS faith seizes the revelation of God in Christ, God declares the be­liever just (Rom. iv. 11, iii. 28). By the obedience of Christ, in his blood, the believers have forgive­ness of sins (Rom. v. 9), reconciliation with God, etc. It is therefore God who effects faith. Faith seizes justification and is at the same time the prin­ciple of the new life of repentance. (3) The Chris­tian is a new creature (kainl3, ktisis, II Cor. v. 17); for God has regenerated him by his Spirit, the Word, and baptism (John iii. 3). Christ is the sanctifica­tion of the Christian (I Cor. i. 30). (4) The new life, as it consists in faith, love, repentance, and works, and is realized by God through regenera­tion, justification, and sanctification, rests simply upon the grace of God in Christ (Gal. ii. 21). (5)

Since now the Spirit of God as the Spirit of Jesus Christ, who is active and present in the congrega­tion of believers in Christ, continues and makes effective the word and work of Jesus (John vii. 39), the new life of the Christian may be traced also to the efficacy of the Spirit (of. Matt. iii. 11). The word of God comes " in demonstration of the Spirit and of power " (I Cor. ii. 4). It is the Spirit that effects and guides the new moral life of the Christian (Rom. viii. 4 sqq.), that brings him re­generation, renovation, and the like (Titus iii. 2 sqq.). It is therefore justifiable according to Holy Scripture also, to trace regeneration, faith, expe­rience of justification, repentance and the new life of sanctification to the Holy Spirit as the moving cause in the congregation of the faithful.

From what has been said it is clear that the tra­ditional scheme of the order of salvation is not found in Scripture and thus has no absolute au­thority. Some of its conceptions are duplicated and may be eliminated without loss; the concep­tion of illumination, for instance, is entirely covered by that of calling (or regeneration). Moreover, the dissection of the divine activity in the soul can neither be traced to actual observation nor is it logically necessary. In an attempt at a positive construction of an order of salvation there is to be presupposed the knowledge of the work of Christ. Redemption is realized in the con‑

The True gregation of the faithful. There the Order. Spirit of Jesus Christ is active and present to give redemption to individ­uals and preserve them in it. This takes place by special means, i.e., the means of grace, primarily the Word. The question is, therefore, how the Spirit of God generates and preserves the new life in the heart. The answer can be gained only by the observation of the inner processes of Christian life as effects of God in which the Holy Spirit is manifest as the moving cause. Only in this connection can the ac­tivities of the divine Spirit in the soul be spoken of. The content may be grouped according to the following points of view: distinction must be made (1) between the religious and moral condi­tions of the soul, and the divine moving cause that manifests itself in them; (2) between the begin­ning, the content, and the continuation of the new life, and the divine effects which correspond to it. These effects, as being mediated by the Word, are in this connection always to be understood from the point of view of effectual calling. Thus there results the following scheme: (1, a) Conversion: faith, repentance, love; (b) calling as regeneration; (2, a) calling as justification, and (b) as renova­tion; (3) as sanctification. It is evident that (1) and (2) entirely coincide as to time, while (3) follows them; likewise, that the elaboration of (2, b) and (3) belongs to the sphere of ethics. (R. SEEBERd.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. Wacker, Die Heaaordnunp, Gqtersloh, 1898; W. Gass, Geachichte der proteetantiecAen Dogmatist, i. 382 sqq., 447 aqq., Berlin, 1854; Schrtider, in TS%, 1857, part 3; H. Heppe, Die Dopmatik der eaanpeliach­reformierten Ruche, pp. 387 sqq., Elberfeld, 1881; Genn­rich, in TSB, 1898. part 3; H. Schultz. in THS, 1899. part 3, pp. 350 eqq. Where the subject is treated at all in English or American theology, it appears in the works on dogma or systematic theology under " Salvation."

8 7,T:~ ‑ .,7 7

Orderious VitaUs Ordination



ORDERICUS VITALIS: Monk and historian; b. at Atcham (4 m. s.e. of Shrewsbury), England, Feb. 16, 1075; d. probably on Feb. 3 of some year later than 1141. He was the son of a Norman­English priest named Odelerius; was sent when thirteen years of age to be trained for the monastic life at the monastery of St. Evroult in Normandy; he was ordained subdeacon 1091, deacon 1093, and priest 1107; attended possibly the Synod of Reims, 1119, and an assemblage of monks at Cluny, 1132. His significance depends upon his Historia steles'­adica, in thirteen books, completed in 1141, and reaching from the first preaching of the Gospel to 1141. For the earlier parts the work has no inde­pendent value, the substance being derived from other authors. It is of value chiefly for the period following the Norman conquest. The style is some­what florid and pedantic; but for his own period has interest for its detail and its first‑hand views of things. A manuscript which is very possibly the autograph is preserved in the BibliotUque Nar tionale, Paris. The original edition was in A. Duchesne's Historim Norraannorum Scriptorea, pp. 319‑925 (Paris, 1619), reproduced in MPL, clxxxviii.; other editions are: Bouquet, Recueil, vols. ix.‑xi.; A. le Provost, 5 vols., Paris, 1838­1855. A French trend. by L. Dubois (4 vols., Paris, 1825‑27) and an Eng. transl. (in Bohn's Antiquarian Library, 4 vols., London, 1853‑54) are accessible.

BIBwooHAPHY: The chief source is his own work, princi­pally (Prevost's ed.), ii. 300‑302, 418‑422, v. 133‑138. Consult the Notice prefixed to vol. v. of Prevoet's ed.; Bibliothdque de rtcole des chartes, xxaiv. 267‑282, xxxvii. 491194; T. Wright, Biopraphia Britannica Werana, ii. 111‑118, London, 1846; T. D. Hardy, Descriptive Cata­logue, in Roux Series, No. 28, ii. 211‑223, ib. 1882‑71; R. W. Church, Life of St. Anedm, chap. vi., ib. 1870; J. Tessier, De Orderico Vitati, Paris, 1872; F. A. Wiehert, in Forschunpen zu deutachen Geachichte, rii (1872), 57­112; Rioult de Neuville, in Revue des questions historiques, xai (1877), 173‑184; E. A. Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv. 495‑500, Oxford, 1879; Schaff, Christian Church, v. 1, pp. 94, 838 et passim; DNB, xlii. 241‑242.

ORDERS, HOLY: The usual term for the dis­tinctions in rank and office among the clergy, also applied in the prelatical churches to the office and functions of the ministry. The term ordo was very early employed in the first sense; it occurs more than once in Tertullian, and was probably part of the recognized terminology before his time. For discussion of the separate orders see ACOLYTE; BISHOP; DEACON; ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY CHURCH; OSTIARIUs; POLITY; and PRESBYTER; and for the " sacrament of orders " see ORDiNA­TIoN. This article deals with the history and origin of the classification in general. A(, first no special stress was laid on an exact number or on a division into major and minor orders. Tertullian certainly knew other offices besides those of bishop, priest, and deacon, but it is impossible to determine ex­actly which they were. In the letters of Cornelius of Rome to Fabius the functionaries of the Ro­man Church include presbyters, deacons, subdear cons, acolytes, exorcists, readers, and doorkeepers; and there is evidence of the existence of all these but the last about the same time in Africa. The eighth book of the Apostolic Constitutions treats

of the setting apart of bishops, presbyters, deacons, and readers only, although another part shows that the compiler was familiar with exorcists and singers as distinct official classes. But for a long time there was no settled number of orders; the func­tions which developed out of the necessities of church life took different forms in different places. Scholasticism undertook to systematize the mat­ter. Peter Lombard regards the number seven and the division into two classes as settled, naming the presbyterate and diaconate as the only ones which existed in the primitive Church under ex­plicit apostolic authority; according to him the episcopate is not a distinct order but " the name of a dignity and an office," subdivided into patri­archs, archbishops, metropolitans, and bishops. Thomas Aquinas agrees with him in substance, except that he numbers the subdiaconate among holy orders. The Council of Trent made the echo­lastic systematization a matter of faith, although some of the orders were no longer more than nom­inal, and nothing more than mere steps to the priest­hood. In the Eastern Church (q.v.) the gradation of offices was not so systematically developed; the only ones to which significance is attached are the episcopate, priesthood, and diaconate.

(A. HAUcx.)

In the Roman Catholic Church the orders are distinguished into major (priests, deacons, and sub­deacons) and minor (acolytes, exorcists, readers, and doorkeepers). Some difference of opinion seems to exist as to whether bishops constitute a separate order, in which case bishops, priests, deacons, and subdeacons are the major orders (see DEACON, II., § 1). Admission to these orders is governed in each church by canonical regulations.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, Origines, II., i. 1, III., i. 1‑2; A. J. Binterim, Denkwurdipkeiten, i. 1, pp. 281 sqq., Mains, 1825; J. C. W. Augusti, DenkuHbrdfpkeiten, xi. 75 sqq., Leipeic, 1830; P. Hinschius, Rirchenrecht, i. 5 eqq., Berlin, 1869; G. Phillips, Rirchenrecht, i. 297‑298, Re­gensburg, 1881; E. Friedberg, %irchenrecht, pp. 25 sqq.. Leipsic, 1903.

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