|A description of the Baise Kingdoms is given below:-
1. Jumla: Jumla is situated in the northern part of the Karnali region. It comprised the town of Sija, which gave the Kingdom its name. Sija occupied the status of a entrepot in the trade between India and Tibet in the west in the same manner as the Nepal Valley. Trade yielded a considerable amount of revenue to Sija. The Kingdom of Jumla made his son-in-law, Baliraja Kalyal Shah, King of northern Jumla. Baliraja established his capital at the village of Sunar in Jumla. The new kingdom paid tribute to Sija for three generations.
The descendants of Baliraja expanded the dominions of Jumla be occupying the Jad Kingdoms bordering Tibet. In Ashwin 1845 Vikrama, Gorkhali troops commanded by Kaji Shivanarayana Khatri and Sardar Prabal Rana occupied Jumla from Suryabahana Kalyal Shahi, and lat ruler of Jumla, and annexed it into the kingdom of Nepa..
2. Jagatipur: Jagatipur was founded by Jagativarman Samal Shahi, lies six Koshas to the south of Jajarkot, a kingdom situated on the right banks of the Bheri river. Jagati had used Jagatipur as the winter capital of Sija, just as Malavarman had made Khada-Chakra his winter capital. For six months in the year, trade was conducted in Sija on a barter basis. Gold, silver, and copper were also usd in transactions. By that time, silver coins minted by the Delhi Durbar must have come into circulation at Sija. Following the fall of Sija, Yashovarman, its last ruler, left Jagatipur for Jajarkot, Jagatipur then vanished into oblivion.
Prithvi Narayan Shah had entered into a amicable relationship with King Hari Shahi of Jagarkot at Varanasi. In Magh 1843 Vikrama, Kaji Jiva Shah of Gorkha reached Jajarkot by crossing the Shakhi mountain, and concluded a treaty with the King of that state. On that occasion, he also ceded an areas named Khumri, which had been conquered
by Gorkha, as a gift to Jajarkot. In its part, Jajarkot extended good support to Gorkha in the war that was fought on the western frong.
3. Salyan lies to the south of the Karnali river. Samakot, which was handed over by Medini to his brother, Sumeru or Suratanavarma, is located in . The Samal Shahis of Salyan had already shifted from Samakot to Phalawang. Prithvi Narayan Shah had married his daughter, Vilasakumari, to Ranabhima Shahi, son of King Srikrishna Shahi of Salyan. Because of this matrimonial alliance, Salyan had fought on the side of the Nepal in the 1844 Vikrama war againt the Chaubise and Baise states. It also took part in the invasion of Kumaun in 1848 Vikrama. In consideration of this assistance, Salyan was given control of Dang. With the fall of Palpa, however, Salyan was stripped of much of its authority.
4. Rukum was a well-known Kingdom. The Varmans had conquered this kingdom from the Jads. King Medini had subdivided his territories among his brothers and sons-in-law. Rukum had been given to Pitambara Varman as his share. Pitambara Varman had chosen Gotham as his capital. Jetu Varman, his son, had eight sons; of whom the first four became Kings of Rukum, Nisi Bhuk, Rolpa and Pyuthan respectively. In the course of the territorial expansion of Nepal, a Gorkhali expedition under the command of Kaji Jiva Shah occupied Dopla on Marga 2, 1843 Vikrama, and five days later, crossed the Bheri river. Rukum did not appear to have taken part in the battle. From this it seems that it had already surrendered to the Gorkhalis. Five states of the Chaubise and Baise regions Parbat, Galkot, Dolpa, Jahari, and Pyuthan, had seceded from Rukum, to that it appears to have occupied an important place.
5. Bilaspur is a scenic place located on the peak of a hill to the north-west of Dailekh. Medini had allotted this Kingdom to his youngest brother, Sansari or Sumati Bhupa Varman. A letter written by Sutana Shahi, King of Bilaspur, in 1556 Shaka is published in Itihasa Prakasha (No. 213, p. 487). Bilaspur subsequently disintegrated, and out of this emerged Dailekh.
6. Achham occupies a prominent place in the history of the Varman Shahis. In 1384 Vikrama, Aditya Malla invaded the Nepal Valley and brought considerable wealth to Sija. He then handed over Achham, a state situated across the Karnali river, to his daughter's son, Devachandra Varman. From then Varman Shahis started ruling in Achham. Bhima Varman, son of King Devachandra, later became the King of Sija. The Kingdom of Achham must have then passed on to is brother. At the time he was given
the Kingdom of Achham, Devachandra Varman received the title of ''Samala'' from Aditya Malla. Bhima Varman, his successor, appropriated for himself the title of Shahi after becoming King of Sija. This is confirmed by the genealogies of the descendants of Ananda, who had advanced to the east from Rukum. A copper-plate inscription dated 1359 Shaka installed by Udaya Varma and Ajita Varma, Kings of Achham has been published in Itihasa Prakasha (No. 2, p. 112). Doti, Darna and Bimkot latter seceded from Achham, and started ruling independently. It appears that Sanfe was the ancient capital of Achham. Mangal Sen must have been chosen as the capital much later.
7. Dullu is the second most important area in the Karnali region after Sija. In 1,200 Vikrama, Nagaraja split Sija into two parts, and chose Dullu as his winter capital. Dullu was then called Durlanghyanagar. Krachalla Deva occupied Kumaun from this place. It was from there that Jitari Malla, Ripu Malla, Pratap Malla, Aditya Malla, and Punya Malla had led troops to invade the Nepal Valley. In Dullu, there is a temple dedicated to the ''God of Fire''. So the King of Sija, who used to stay in Dullu during winter, was also called ''Jwalandhari.'' A document of King Prithvi Varman of Dullu, dated 1644 Shaka, is published in Itihasa Prakasha (No. 2/3, p. 145). In 1846 Vikrama, Sardar Kalu Pande occupied Dullu, which was then said to comprise 8,000 roofs.
8. Doti was the strongest of all the Baise Kingdoms, at the time of ther conquest by the Gorkhalis. Nepal had to wait some time for a war against Doti. 500 Nepali troops under the command of Captain Golaiya and Captain Ranabir Khatri fought a fierce battle against the combined forces of Doti and Achham at Narighat. The Nepalis were victorious in this battle, and subsequently advanced up to the Mahakali river after occupying Doti and Achham also. References to two kings of Doti, Vishnu Shahi and Pahad Shahi, are available in the Itihasa Prakasha.
9. The Varman Shahis of Dailekh claimed to be descendants of Sansari Varman. Similarly, the Varman Shahis of Dullu claimed Sumeru Varman as their ancestor. This shows that the kings of Bilaspur and Dailekh were descended from the youngest son, and of Salyan and Dullu from the third son. The Itihasa Prakasha (No. 2, p. 1230 contains of an inscription dated 1490 Vikrama which mentiones Pratap Shahi, Bhana Shahi, and Sangrama Shahi as Kings of Bilaspur. The last King of Dailekh, Karna Varman Shahi, was defeated by Sardar Kalu Pande and Sardar Shatrusala Shahi in the battle of Surkhet. Dailekh then became a a part of the Kingdom of Nepal.
(To be continued)
(Continued from the May 1979 issue)
18. If any woman commits sexual intercourse with any person belonging to any caste, from Brahman to Podhe, wrongly believing him to be her husband, or at a time when she had been made completely sensless through the administration of intoxicants, and if prays for a writ of Patiya on the ground that she had committed the offense out of ignorance, no such writ shall be granted to her. Ignorance shall not be considered a justification for sexual intercourse. If man has committed sexual intercourse out of ignorance (of the caste status of the woman) he shall be granted expiation according to the law.
19. If any person commits adultery with a girl, married woman, or widow belonging to Upadhyaya or Jaisi Brahman or other sacred-thread-wearing caste, or to a liquor-drinking (Matwala) caste, and the matter remains sacred, and if he runs away and is not located when sought, and subsequently dies, a statement shall be obtained from persons who have any knowledge of the matter, if there are any, and expiation granted to persons who have taken cooked rice (from the hands of the girl, married woman, or widow) without knowledge (of her guilt). If no one has any knowledge (of the guilt), the necessary confession shall be obtained from the adulteress, and expiation granted to persons who have taken cooked rice and water from her hands without knowledge of her guilt.
20. If any person belonging to the Upadhyaya or any other caste or sub-caste commits adultery with any woman within the prohibited degrees of relationship, or belonging to any caste contamination from whom tough need to be purified through the sprinkling to water, takes cooked rice and water from the her hands, and also commits sexual intercourse with his own wife, and lets her take cooked rice and water from his hands, and runs away before the court can question him whether or not he had informed his wife of his guilt, and if his wife subsequently submits a complaint to the effect that she had no knowledge that her husbands had committed adultery with such a woman and taken cooked rice and water from her hands, and that she herself had committed sexual intercourse with her husband and taken cooked rice and water from his hands out of ignorance of his guilt, a statement shall be obtained from her to the effect that if her husband is arrested, and it is proved that he had informed her of his guilt, she should be degraded to a lower caste, and a writ of Patiya shall be granted to her. An unborn child too shall become ritually pure when expiation is granted to the mother. If the husband is subsequently arrested and it is proved after his interrogation that he had informed
his wife of his guilt, the woman shall be degraded to a lower caste, and a writ of Patiya shall be granted to persons who have taken (cooked rice and watet) from her hands. If it is proved that the husband had not informed (his wife of his guilt), the woman shall be considered pure, and cooked rice and water may be taken from her hands.
21. If any man commits the crime of sexual intercourse with a woman within the prohibited degrees of relationship (hadnata), which is punishable according to the law (with degradation from caste status), so that cooked rice and water cannot be taken as from his hands (by persons belonging to higher castes), but keeps the matter secred, and subsequently commits sexual intercourse with his married wife, or any other woman from whose hands he can take cooked rice or other food, and the woman has consented to such intercourse without any knowledge of his crime, she shall be granted a writ of Patiya in respect to cooked rice and water. If sexual intercourse with her husband after he committed the crime has resulted in pregnancy, and a child is subsequently born, water may be taken from its hands, but not cooked rice. The child also shallbe ritually purified when the mother obtains a writ of Patiya. But if the woman has cmommited sexual intercourse with her husband with full knowledge of his crime, she shall be degraded to the same caste to which her guilty husband has been degraded. The child shall have the same caste status as its mother.
22. If any person has committed sexual intercourse with a woman belonging to a caste from whom hands water cannot be taken, but contact with whom need not be purified through the sprinkling of water, with full knowledge of her caste, but has not taken cooked rice or wate from her hands, and keeps the matter secred, and commits sexual intercourse with his married wife or concubine, or with a prostitute or other woman, or gives them cooked rice to eat and water to drink from his hands, such woman, who has allowed him to have sexual intercourse with her without any knowledge of the guilt the man had committed through sexual intercourse ith a woman belonging to a caste from whose hands water cannot be taken, and taken cooked rice and water from his hands, and the child in her womb, or born of her subsequently, shall be deemed ritually pure through a writ of Patiya obtained by her, because the man himself can retain his caste status through a writ of Patiya. Rice may be taken from the hands of such persons. If the woman who has committed sexual intercourse with the guilty person without any knowledge if his guilt dies without obtaining a writ of Patiya, and if her children apply for a writ, it shall be granted. If the wife has knowledge of her husbands's guit in committing sexual intercourse with a woman (from whose hands water cannot be taken, but contact with whom need not be purified through the sprinkling of water), and
has refrained from committing sexual intercourse with him, or from taking cooked rice and water from his hands, but has not been able to reveral the secret out feelings of shame, and has left him offer cooked rice and water from his hands to commensal brthern, she shall be punished with a fine of twenty rupees for having let others take cooked rice and water from his hands even though aware of his guilt, and all the persons who have taken cooked rice and water from the hands of the guilty person without knowledge of his guilt shall be granted writs of Patiya.
23. If any person willfully commits sexual intercourse with a woman belonging to a caste contact with whom needs to be purified through the sprinkling of water, and has taken cooked rice or water fom her hands, and keeps the matter secred, and commits sexual intercourse with his married wife or concubine, or with a prostitute or with other woman, or gives them cooked rice or water from his hands, and if the woman who has allowed such husband to have sexual intercourse with her without any knowledge of the guilt he had committed (by committing sexual intercourse with a woman belonging to a caste from whose hands water cannot be taken and taking cooked rice and water from his hands) does not become pregnant, she shall not be degraded from her caste, and she shall be granted a writ of Patiya in respect to cooked rice and water. If the woman gets pregnant, cooked rice shall nto be accepted from her hands, and she shall be granted a writ of Patiya in respect to water only. Water may be taken from the hands of children born of such woman subsequently, but cooked rice shall not be accepted from their hands. Children born of such woman shall not be entitled to wear the secred-thread, irrespective of whether their father belongs to the Brahman or any other sacred-thread wearing caste and shall belong to a Shudra caste, which cannot be enslaved. If the father belonged to a liquor-drinking caste which cannot be enslaved, the children shall belong to a caste which can be enslaved. Children born of men belonging to a liquor-drinking caste which can be enslaved, shall belong to a lower caste in the same category. If the woman has knowledge of her husband's sexual intercourse with a woman (from whose hands water cannot be taken or contact with whom must be purified through the sprinkling of water), and has avoided sexual intercourse with him, or taking cooked rice and water from his hands, buthas not been able to reveal the secret out of feelings of shame, and has let him offer cooked rice and water from his hands to his commensal relatives, she shall be punished with a fine of twenty-five rupees for having let others take cooked rice and water from his hands even though aware of his guilt, and all the persons who have taken cooked rice and water from the hands of such person without knowledge of the guilt shall be granted wirts of Patiya.
24. If any person belonging to a caste which is punished for crimes through partial sharing of the head, thereby being degraded to a lower caste, has been so punished because of the malice of miniters and bhardars, although he has not casued any harm to the state, nor acted in a manner calcutated to disrupt friendly relations with the emperors of the northern and southern neighbors, nor threatened the life of the King, ministes, and bhardars, not committed sexual intercourse with the wife of another person, or committed any murder or any other crime punishable in such a manner, he shall not be granted a writ of Patiya in respect to cooked rice,and shall be granted such a writ in respect to water only. If such person asks for a writ of Patiya, claiming that he had been so punished, but had not been given any prohibited food to eat, and if the bhardars hold that he had not been given any prohibited food to eat as part of the punishment, he shall be granted a writ of Patiya and the Dharmadhikar shall grant the writ after collecting a Godan fee of Rs 25 in the case of abal category, Rs 12.50 in the case of doyam, Rs 6 in the case of sim, and Rs 3 in the case of chahar, depending on the status of such person. Such person shall then undergo expiation and rejoin his caste.
25. If any person who has committed any of the following crimes has not been branded in the fact with any leter or symbol goes to a place where fighting is taking place between his government and other persons, with determination to expiate for his crime by fighting to death, and fights accordingly, the Dharmadhikar shall grant him a writ of Patiya. He shall be pardoned if the woman with whom he has committed sexual intercourse is related to him within seven degrees. Water may be taken from his hands, but not cooked rice. Both cooked rice and water may be taken fron his hands if he has committed any other crime.
(1) In case any person belonging to a Brahman, Rajput, Kshatriya, or other sacred-thread-wearing caste commits sexual intercourse with any close or clan relative, except in the case of a caste contact with whom requires purification through the sprinkling of water, or with a woman belonging to any low caste contact with whom need not be purified through the sprinkling of water, without taking cooked rice and water from her hands.
(2) In case any person belonging to a caste from whose hands water cannot be taken and whch can be enslaved commits sexual intercourse with a woman belonging to the Brahman or any other higher caste, or with close or clan relations.
(3) In case he has used a weapon against his wife's Upadhyaya or Jaisi Brahman lover.
(4) In case he has been partially shaved in the head and degraded to a lower caste on charge of treason.
Regmi Research (Private) Ltd,
Kathmandul: July 1, 1979.
Regmi Research Series
Year 11, No. 7
Mahesh C. Regmi
1. A Kipat Grant in the Tarai Region 97
2. The Baise and Chaubise Principalities 97
3. Panchasayakhola, 1897 104
4. Selected Documents of 1856 Vikrama 105
5. The Dharmadhikar 109
Regmi Research (Private) Ltd
Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal
Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display.
A Kipat Grant in the Tarai
King Rana Bahadur Shah had sent elephants as presents to the Emperor of China with one of the official missions that Nepal sent to that country every five years in accoridace with arrangements made after the end of the 1791-92 Nepal-China war.
Seven employees of the Elephant Office who had made arrangements to send the elephants to China received a grant of 357 bighas of forest lands in Matioun, Bara district, in appreciation of their services.
On Marga Sudi 5, 1860 (November 1803) King Girban Yuddha Bikrama reconfirmed the grant and placed it under Kipat tenure.
This would appear to be one of the rare cases in which government-owned land was granted uner Kipat tenure, and the only instance in which such a grant was made in a district of the Tarai region.
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 19, p. 148.
The Baise and Chaubise Principalities
Mohan Bahadudr Malla
(Continued from the June 1919 issue)
10. Raskot is probably a new name for Khadachakra, where Malevarman's capital was located. In the Karnali region, af fort was formerly known as ''Kanda'', and later as ''Kot'. Raskot could be a corrupt form of ''Rajakot'', or a fort where the king lived. The kings who were descended from Medanivarman Shahi probably lived in Raskot, because he had retained it under his control. There are references to Saimala Shahi as King of Raskot in Itihasa Prakasha (Vol. 2, p.132) in the Shaka year 1542, and to King Bhopanarayana Shahi (Ibid, vol. 2, no. 3, p. 400) in the Vikrama year 1922. the genealogy of the King of Raskot describe them as descendants of Malevarman.
11. The principality of Sanni was created from a part of Dullu. This shows that it was ruled by the descendants of Sumaru. Dullu wa the capital of the present principality, hence Sanni naturally occupied a secondary position. In a petition submitted to the royal palace of Nepal in the Vikrama 1944, Raja Jaya Bahadur Shahi of Sanni wrote: ''I am the descendant of reigning kings''. (Itihasa Prakasha, vol. 2, no. 3, p. 402). In the Vikrama year 1947, an order contd…
was issued in the name of the Maharani of Sanni directing the procurement of foodgrains from the village of Ujyal in Sanni. (Ibid, p. 4010. During Bahadur Shah's campaigns in the west, the Verman Shahi rulers of Salyan and Jajarkot had joined Nepal, while other weaker rulers of that dynasty surrendered. Sanni too must have done so.
12. Darna is situated between Achhma and Bogatan. It was ruled by a branch of the Varman Shahis of Achham. King Dipavarman Shahi of Darna was defeated by Nepal at the battle of Narighat. Bhagirath Shahi, a brother of Dewan Narapati Shahi of Darna, had joined the Nepalis. He fell fighting at the battl of Panikhet. His brother, Narapati Shahi, received a marwat land grant from the King of Nepal in consideration of his brother's death.
13. Bimkot was similarly ruled by a branch of the Varman Shahis of Achham. It too appears to have been defeated along with Doti and Achham at the battle of Narighat.
14. The rulers of Bogatan belonged to the Malla Shahi dynasty. This principality was situated west of Darna and east of Dadeldhura. Its last King, Dipa Shahi, was defeated by the Gorkhalis.
15. Gajul was the capital of the principality of Rolpa. It was a small principality compring 2,000 households. The third grandson of King Pitambar Varman of Rukum had become King of Rolpa, while the second grandson, Ananda, had been elected by the Magars of Parbat to become their King. The youngest grandson had similarly been elected as king of the Magar principality of Pyuthan. The Magars of Rolpa must have made the third grandson of King Titambar Varman their king of their own will. By that time, people settled in the Magar principalities. They did not like to have Magars as their Kings. Rolpa was occupied by Nepal on Marga 2, 1843 Vikrama (November 17, 1786).
16. Like Rolpa, Khumri is situated on the banks of the Rapti river. King Prithvi Narayan Shah had sought to maintain friendly relations with Kaski, Jumla, Salyan and Jajarkot. Bahadur Shah too followed the same policy. He married a royal princess of Palpa and concluded a treaty with that principality under which it would remain neutral when Nepal attacked the other Baise and Chaubise principalities. After Nepal extended its dominions to the Bheri river, Argha and Khanchi were granted to Palpa, Dang to Salyan, and Khumri to Jajarkot.
17. The small principality of Chhilli, situated east of Salyan, was ruled by Kings belonging to the Varman Shahi dynasty. Litlle is known about this principality. It seems, however, that none of the principalities of Pyuthan, Khumri, Udayapur, Chhilli, Salyan, Jajarkot, Jahari, Rukum, Sanni and
Rajkot had fought against Nepali troops. This is attributed to the fact that Siddha Bhagawanta Nath had campaigned on behalf of Nepal, while staying in Salyan as a representative of Prithvi Narayan Shah. After the conquest of the Baise principalities, the government of Nepal designated Bhagawanta Nath as chief of the Natha sect all over the Kingdom of Nepal and authorized him to collect taxes. The principality of Chhilli was later granted to Salyan.
18. The principality of Jahari is situated on the left banks of the Bheri river. Ananta, the second son of Pitambar, King of Rukum, had become King of this principality, which was ruled by kings belonging to the Varman Shahi dynasty. Kaji Jiva Shah, whose real name was Jivana, was the chief bhardar sent to invade the Baise princiapalities. He was the eldest son of Vishnurupa and grandson of Chandrarupa, the sixth son of King Prithvipati Shaha of Gorkha. He had reached Jajarkot via Jahari, travelling through the Shakhi mountains.
19. Dang was a Tharu principality which had been established during the Pala period. Since it was situated in a region with a hot climate, it is hard to believe that sacred-thread-wearing communities from the hill areas had settled there. Ruins of ancient temples, inns, etc. discovered in Surkhet in the inner Tarai region indicate that Dang, which too located in that region, was an ancient settlement. Kaji Damodar Pande, Kaji Jagajit Pande, Sardar Prawala Rana and Subba Phaud Singh, the bhardars of Nepal, occupied Dang on Kartik 29, 1843. Vikrama. They later granted this territory as a reward to Salyan. At that time, Dang was ruled by a branch of the Varman Shahis dynasty, which had broken away from Salyan.
20. Bajhang, a principality situated on the right banks of the Seti river, was ruled by Kings belonging to te Suryavamshi Simha dynasty. It is possible that Bajhang had passed into the control of the ancestors of the Simha kings in the same way as Jumla had fallen into the hands of Baliraja. Jayaprithvi Bahadur Simha, who was mainly instrumental in the establishment of the ''Gorkhali Language Publications Board'' (Gorkha Bhasha Prakashani Samiti) was a raja of Bajhang. He had to go into exile because he had tried to follow the path shown by Deva Shumshere in the sphere of education. Bajhang did not participate in the battle of Narighat, situated between the Karnali and Mahakali rivers, because by then Sunnikot, which had previously seceded from it, had been restored to it.
21. Thalar, one of the Baise principalities, it located on the right banks of the Seti river south of Bajhang. It too was ruled by a branch of the Simha dynasty which had broken away from Bajhang. This principality too had not participated in the Narighat battle.
22. Bajura, located on the left banks of the Seti river, was ruled by Simhas belonging to the Suryavamshi dynasty. When Aditya Malla handed over the principality of Achham Charpukot to Devachandra Varman, his grandson from the daughter's side, the principalities located along the bankls of the Karnali were probably under control of Thakuri rulers. The Pala Kingdom at that time faced the thread of attack from the west of alone. Bajura was said to have comprised 1,700 houses. Bajura too did not take part in the battle of Narighat.
Thus, after having remained under foreign dominion for 500 years, and independent for 300 years, the Baise principalities were eventually merged into Nepal.
Let us now turn to the Gandaki region before enumeration; the Chaubise principalities. Our old georgraphers have called the Gandaki region as Magarat, and the Karnali region as Khasarat. From the viewpoint of history, it would be wrong to describe the Karnali region as Khasarat. We must first take into account the Principalities of Magars, Jadas, and Chhetris in the Karnali region. We will find that there were several Magar principalities in this region. Sudarshan Shahi, a king belonging to the Kalyal dynasty, had enlisted the assistance of Khasan and Jadan in building a palce. The assistance he received from Jadan was three times greater, than that from the Khasan. This shows that Khasan was a small area situated within the principality of Jumla. Chhetries ruled only in areas across the Bheri river, while the Jadas ruled in the north. This indicates the preponderance of Magars in the Karnali region as well.
The 500 years of Sija's history is of considerable importance of the Nepali people. It was here that the Nepali dialect acquired maturity, and the system of four caste and thirty-six sub-castes was introduced. In addition, the revenue system of ''Battis Rakam and Chhattis Kalam originated in this region. In the Gandaki region, these rules or customs had been introduced first by Brahmans and Chhetris.
The Magars inhabiting the Karnali and Gandaki regions had named the rivers, streams, hills, plains and villages in their own dialect. The hill areas were inhabited mostly by Magars, and the Himalayan areas by Tamangs and Gurungs. Just as Magars had named their areas in their own dialect, the Tamangs and Gurung Thakalis of the Himalayan areas gave their own names to their areas. Magars call a stream as ''di''. That is why we find the term '''di'' in the name of every river, or stream in the hill region. The term ''Nga'' which we find at the end of the name of every principality is alos a Magaar suffix. Such names as do not correspond to the Sanskrit and Nepali languages also form a part of the Magar dialect. It is necessary to analyze the meaning of this suffic.
Gurungs had migrated to Kashi and Lamjung via Manag during the 8th or 9the century. The Chhetri rulers who had been defeated by the Palas also entered the Gandak region in force. It was at this time that the Brahmans and other castes of the Karnali region also started migrating to the Gandak reigon. They reclaimed the hillside lands which Magars had left waste, and started cultivating these lands in the same manner as at present, and set up villages. The Magars had no knowledge of irrigation. It was the secred-thread-wearing people who subsequently migrated to the Gandak region who started cultivating and irrigating lands. The Magars were pleased by the farming practices of the new settlers, as it did not affect their own holdings, and, moreover, contributed to the revenue of their Kingdom. The sacred-thread-wearing communities migrated to the Gandak region both from the Karnali region, and from the Sen kingdoms of the south. The Sen kingdoms did not use the Nepali language at that time, but used the Pakki dialect in their documents and copper-plate inscriptions. Immigrants belonging to sacred-thread-wearing communities spread the customs and usages as well as the dialects of the Karnali region in the Gandak region. The Magars had no script or literature of their own, hence we know very little about their kings.
The Chaubise principalities of the Gandak region had been established by Thakuri kings in the same way as the Baise principalities of the Karnali region. The Sen kings had first created the three principalities of Palap, Tanahu, and Rising in the south of the Gandak region. In the west, the Varman Shahis established the principalities of Parbat, Galkot and Puthan. In the central region, the Ranas occupied the principalities of Garhunkot, Bhirkot, Dhor, Sataunkot, Nuwakot, Kaski, Lamjung, and Gorkha. The Simhas seized the principalities of Musikot, Gulmi and Isma, located aroud Badi-Gad. The Malla Shahis occupied Argha, Khanchi and Dhurkot. A Karki Brahman family ruled Udayapur. The Trishuli-Nuwakot region was ruled by the Chhetris of Nepal (Kathmandu) Valley. The tiny principality of Paiyun situated on the banks of the Krishna-Gandaki river was under the rule of Sen Thakuri kings, who came from Bansi, not from Palpa.
We shall now described the Chaubise principalities of the Gandak region:
1. Trishuli-Nuwakot was the oldest of the principalities ruled by Chhetri kings in the Gandak region. It must have been occupied by Chhetri kings from Magars much before the time of Manadeve. The only route leading to Nepal Valley via Devaghat on the banks of the Trishuli river lies in the vicinity of Nuwakot. The first Buddhist Bhikshu of Kapilavastu travelling to Nepal Valley must have passed through this route Manadeva might have passed through the same area in the course of his campaign to conquer Mallapuri. Since ancient times, Nuwakot and Nepal Valey,
Nuwakot, in fact, remained the principal gate-way to the western region. The kings of the Valley had a vessal in Nuwakot when they were powerful. The same vassals acted like kings when the Valley was weak.
The entire region watered by the Tadi-Khola, the Khani-Khola, and Rapti-Khola may be called the Gandak region. Inasmuch as the principalities of the Gandak region were called Chaubise states, Trishuli-Nuwakot is listed here as one of them.
In Ashiwin 1801 Vikrama, Trishuli-Nuwakot was conquered by Gorkha from Shankar Rana, who was uder the control of King Jaya Prakash Malla of Kantipur.
2. Chhetris and Brahmans were not on good terms with the Khadga-Magar Kings of Gorkha. That is why they aided Dravya Shah, the second son of King Yashovarman Shahi of Vikrama. Two years later, Yashovrman was succeded by his eldest son Narahari Shahi, as King of Lamjung. Narahari Shahi invited Dravya Shahi to come over to the banks of the Marsyangdi river to perform rites on the first anniversary of their father's death. Dravya Shahi accordingly left for Lamjung. However, he learnt from the son of his nurse that Narahari Shai planned to assassinate him. dravya Shahi thereupon returned to Gorkha. Narahari Shahi started preparations to occupy Gorkha, on the ground that it had been occupied through Lamjung's strength and wealth. To avert war between her to sons, Queen Champavati stipulated that the Chepe river should be the boundary between Gorkha and Lamjung. She declared that anyone who encroached on this boundary would be ruined. This the area located between the Chepe and the Marsyangdi rivers belonged to Narahari Shahi. After the death of his mothe, however, he invaded Gorkha. The descendants of Narahari Shahi considered it their duty to fight against Gorkha. It was because of endless provocations from Lamjung that Gorkha, surrounded by powerful principalities, developed a love for war. King Prithvi Narayan Shah, a great statesman, provided effective leadership to the battle-seasoned Gorkhalis. After 31 years of military campaigns, Gorkha was able to expand its frontiers to the Kankai river the east.
3. The south-western part of Garhankot adjoins Ridi Bazar located across the Kali river, which flows from the north to the south, and from the west to the east of Ridi. Exactly in the area where the Kali river makes a swift curve are located Kashikot and Lasarka. Around 1552 Vikrama, Rana Bhupal came over to Lasarka and settled there. He installed the idol of his family deity there. At that time, Palpa was ruled by Rudra Sen, and Parbat by Dimha Karman Shahi. Rana Bhupal had gone to Lasarka under the protection of the Sen Kings. It si
/_Lamjung to become king of Gorkha in 1616
probable that he was either a son-in-law or nephew. In the meanwhile, both Palpa and Parbat were getting stronger. Rana Bhupal defeated the Magar rulers of Garhankot and Bhirkot and annexed these territories. He chose Bhirkot-Khilim as his capital. His two sons were the well-known Khancha and Micha. Khancha, the elder son, occupied Dhor from its Magar ruler. The second son, Micha, conquered Syangja, Nuwakot and Sataunkot, which too were ruled by Magar kings. After the death of his father, Khanchi became the rulers of Garhaun, Bhirkot and Dhor, while the second son, Micha, ruled over Syangja, Nuwakot and Sataunkot. Bot the brothes then assumed the title of ''Khan''. At that time, the Mongol Emperors called themselves ''Khan''.
Khancha had two sons, named Surya and Dasharatha. Surya became King of Bhirkot, and Dasharatha of Dhor. Mahepati Khan was the great-great-grandson of Dasharatha. He had two sons, Karna and Dasharatha, who were made rulers of Garhan and Dhor respectively. Following the battle of Makaidanda in Lamjung, Bhakta Khan, a descendant of Karna Khan went to war with Gorkha, Kaski and Syangja. It then enjoyed a long period of peace. At that time of Gorkhali thrust into Sataun, Sri Bhakta, the infant king of Garhankot, was taken by his bhardars to his maternal home at Thorba in Gulmi. Gorkha latter brought Sri Bhakta back from Thorba and installed him as a Vassal King of Garhankot.
4. Khancha Khan conquered Dhor from its Magar ruler and annexed it into Garhankot. Dhor agains seceded from Garhaunkot when it was allotted to Dasharatha and Garhankot/to his elder brother, Karna Khan. It was at Dhor that in Magh 1828 Vikrama the Chaubise principalities including Parbat, laid a 14-day siege on the Gorkhali troops who had run away after their defeat in the battle of Sirwari in Sataun. The position of the Chaubise principalities located across the Kali river, howeve, became precarious after the battle of Makaidanda in Lamjung. Later, Kaji Abhiman Simha Basnet took the rulers of Sataun, Bhirkot, Rising and Dhor to Kantipur, where they received recognition as Vassal kings from King Rana Bahadur Shah.
5. There is a high hill called Khilim, which rises above the confluence of the Andi-Khola and the Darain-khola. It was at this place at whichi Rana Bhupala had built his capital. Bhirkot, the name of his principality, went into the hands of the descendants of Jaihu Khan; the eldest son of Khanchi Khan. On Falgun 12, 1827 Vikrama King Prithvi Narayan Shah ordered Gorkhali troops commanded by Vamsha Raj and Kehar Simha to occupy Tanahu and advance farther to the west. In the Grihakot battle of Jestha 25, 1828 Vikrama, the King of Bhirkot, Indra Bhupala Khan, was defeated by the Gorkhali troops. He then fled.
/_when it was allotted
(To be continued).
In A.D. 1897, the Panchsayakhola area of Nuwakot distrit formed part of the Jagir assignment of General Bhim Shumshere J. B. Rana, Commanding General of the Eastern zone.
In 1855, a royal order had been issued according to which the inhabitants of ten villages of that area were placed under the obligations of providing Hulak services. The inhabitants of other villages were similarly ordered to work at the local gunpowder factory and help in the collection of Jagat duties on goods imported from Tibet. The ten villages included Syafru and Timure.
Because these inhabitants possessed no rice lands, the following special facilities were provided to them in consideration of these duties:-
(1) The inhabitants of the ten Villages who were under obligations to provide Hulak services were granted exemption from the payment of Jagat dutied on salt procured by them from Tibet.
(2) The inhabitants of other villages who were under obligations to work at the local gunpowder factory were granted tax-exemption on the Pakho lands that they had converted into rice fields. In both cases, they were granted exemption from payment of taxes on pasture lands (kharchari), bee-hives (maha-bhir), newly-reclaimed lands (birhauto), etc.
These tax-exemptions were withdrawn on the following grounds in 1897:-
(1) There had been from time to time that the inhabitants of these villages had suppressed information about taxable lands.
(2) in 1891, when imports of salt had been banned, they had smuggled that commodity from Tibet in contravention of the Nepal-Tibet treaty.
In the course of the revision of the revenue settlement in that area, the total assessment had been fixed the inhabitants of the 10 villages who provided Hulak services, so that the actual amount was Rs 10,749-6½.
However, in consideration of their unpaid-labor services:-
(1) The inhabitants of the 10 villages who provided Hulak services were allowed to procure as much salt as they could procure from Tibet without paying any Jagat duty.
(2) The inhabitants of the other villages who worked at the gunpowder factory were eac allowed to procure 5 manloads of salt from Tibet every year without paying any Jagat duty.
Jestha Badi 4, 1954 and Ashadh Sudi 7, 1954. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 70, pp. 30-47.
The number of villages in the Panchsayakhola area whose inhabitants were under obligation to provide Hulak services had increased from 10 in 1855 to 21 in 1897, mainly as a result of subdivision of families and immigration. The inhabitants of all these villages were later granted the right to procure as much salt as they could from Tibet withour paying any duty.
Poush Badi 7, 1954. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 70, pp. 633-37.
Selected Documents of 1856 Vikrama
1. Exemption from Unpaid-Labor Obligations
On Marga Sudi 10, 1856, the Dware of Deopatan in Kathmandu was informed that twelve persons, including eight temple funcationaries (Achar, Besit) and twelve tenants had been granted exemption from unpaid-labor obligations (Jhara, beth, begar) during the period when they were employed to renovate the painting of the Sri Jayavagishwari temple. The Dware was also ordered to supply them with timber, straw, firewood, etc. needed for the work.
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 24, pp. 7-8.
2. Exodus of People from Listi
On Marga Sudi 12, 1856, the following royal order was sent to the inhabitants of Listi in Sindhupalchok district: ''We have received reports that you have fled to different areas to escapte the oppression of the former Amali. Come back and reoccupy your lands and live according to your traditionally customs and usages. We hereby commute Jhara obligations for the year 1856 Vikrama in consideration of a Salami payment of Rs 500.
Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 24, p. 8.
3. Reallotment of Lands in Tinpatan
The following royal order was sent to Vamsharaj Thapa on Poush Badi 9, 1856 Vikrama: ''Lands assigned as Khangi to Ditha Balwant Rana in Tinpatan had been allotted (raibandi) to membes of your clan (thar). You are hereby granted permission to reclaim 101 khets (i.e. 10,000 muris) of surplus lands north of the Mahabharat mountains which have now been included in the district of Saptari, except the Parganna of Bahadura. With the income from these lands, maintain 191 soldiers equipped with bows and arrows. Pay Rs 47 and 12 annas as Dharshan-Bhet fee every year. The person who reclaims the lands shall appropriate the entire produce for a period of five years. Thereafter, he shall pay half of the produce according to the custom followed in that area. This arrangement shall be valid for a five-year period. Send such articles as the former Amali usd to send here, and also information about that area.
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 24, pp. 14-15.
4. Tax Exemption
Six Moujas in the Bariyarpur Parganna of Bara district, Barewa, Banauli, Tegachhiya, Pipra, Balirampur and Haridiya, had been assigned as Jagir to Miya Karim Sen. A royal order issued on Poush Badi 9, 1856 granted him exemption from the following taxes and duties in these Moujas:-
1. Jalakar - Taxes on water and water resources.
2. Banakar - Taxes on forest products.
3. Sair - Customs duties.
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 24, p. 16.
5. Supply of Commodities to Taleju Temple
On Poush Badi 9, 1856, customs and transit duty collectors (Jagati, bhasari, dalali), at different points were ordered to release the following supplies to the Taleju temple in Bhadgaun once every year (obviously without charging any customs and transit duties):-
Male buffaloes - 25.
Ghee - 200 dharnis.
Goats - 200.
Cotton - 10 loads.
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 24, pp. 16-17.
6. Land Reclamation in Kaski
On Poush Badi 9, 1856, Balak Das, Ijaradar of copper mines, was ordered to depute 30 mine-workers (agri) each from Parbat and Galkot to reclaim lands and dig irrigation channels in Kaski under the supervision of Shamsher Shahi and Madho Shahi.
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 24, p. 17.
7. Land Reclamation in the Eastern Tarai Region
On Poush Badi, 1856, the Chaudharis, Kanugoyes, Makaddams and ryots of Bara, Parsa and Rautahat districts were informed that four officials (mukhiyar) had been deputed to reclaim Kalabanjar lands in those districts. A royal order issued in this connection added: ''Pay land taxes at rates fixed by them. Have those lands which had been previously brought into cultivation, surveyed and measured, and pay taxes on such lands at rates current in the Parganna.''
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 24, pp. 17-18.
8. Appointment of Revenue Functionaries
A royal order was issued on Poush Badi 9, 1856 appointing Hari Chaudhari and Shankar Chaudhari as Chaudharis of the Parganna of Basantapur in Bara district. The Mouja of Bhawanipur was assigned to them under Nankar tenure. They were also appointed as Mokaddams of the Mouja of Itahar.
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 24, p. 18.
9. Ijara Grant for Land Reclamation
Accordidng to a royal order issued on Poush Badi 9, 1856, Surabir Rana, who occupied the position of a Adda (presumably in the royal household), was granted a seven-year Ijara to reclaim six Kalabanjar Moujas in the Dostiya Parganna of Bara district. The Moujas were Panaura, Maulapur, Kursahi, Sitalpatti, Gogdauli and Bansbariya.
The schedule of payments was as follows:-
(in Rs and annas)
in consideration of these payments, the Ijaradar was allowed to appropriate the proceeds to the following taxes and levies:-
1. Mal-jihat, or land taxes.
2. Sair-jihat, or customs duties.
3. Kul-hubabat, or judicial fines and penalties.
The order also provided that the government would not collected any special levies (bheti, salami), or provisions (sidha, farmaisi), or forced labor (beth, begar) in those Moujas.
The Ijaradar was instructed to see that peasants cutivating lands in the northern areas (sira) did not obstruct the supply of water for irrigating lands in the southern areas (bhetha). He was forbidden to attract cultivators from Raikar lands, so that such lands might nor revert to waste, but to procure settlers from Birat, Jagir and Nankar lands, as well as from India (Moglan).
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 24, pp. 21-22.
Similar Ijaras of land reclamation in different Pargannas were granted on the same date to Mudhu Khan (3 Moujas in Sidhmas, Parsa district), Dware Dubli (1 Mouja in Matioun, Bara district) and Kashi Nayak Brahman (1 Mouja in Sidhmas, Parsa district).
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 24, pp. 22-27.
11. Appointment of Chaudhari in Sheoraj
On Poush Sudi 5, 1856, Sahasram Chaudhari was appointed Chaudhari of the Pargannas of Sheoraj, replacing Lashari Chudhari. The Kalabanjar Mouja of Sankharpur in Sheoraj was granted to him as his Jagir.
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 24, p. 32.
(To be continued).
(Continued from the June 1979 issue)
26. A person belonging to a caste contaminiation from whose touch must be purified through the sprinkling of water, who has committed sexual intercourse with a person of a lower caste contaminiation from whose touch needs to or need not be purified through the sprinkling of water, and on whose face latters indicating his degrade caste status or sentence of life imprisonment have been branded, or a person who deliberately takes cooked rice and water from the hands of any person water touched by whom cannot be taken by members of higher castes, and contamination from whose touch must be purified through the sprinkling of water, who has been degraded to that caste status even though belonging to a caste water touched by whom can be taken by persons belonging to higher castes, he had committed sexual intercourse with a person belonging to a case water touched by whom cannot be taken by persons belonging to higher castes, shall not be restord to his usual caste or allowed to offer cooked rice to other members of that caste. If such persons go to a place where a battle is being fought and actually take part in the fightings, their crime shall be pardoned, but they cannot be restored to their usual caste, or allowed to offer cooked rice and water to members of that caste.
27. If any person of either sex belonging to any of the four castes and thity-six sub-castes commits any crime which is punishable through life imprisonment,and is accordingly branded on the face and sentenced to life imprisonment escapes, their children shall belong to the Pataki caste and shall not be deemed to have committed any offense if they take as wives with mutual consent women belonging to any caste from whose hands water cannot be taken, or contamination from whose touch must be purified through the sprinkling of water, provided they do not take cooked rice and water from the hands of such woman. They shall only be punished in the same menner as if any man who belongs to a caste contamination from whose touch must be purifed through the sprinkling of water takes as his wife a woman belonging to any caste water from whose hands can be taken.
In case anybody takes cooked rice and water from the hands of a person belonging to any of the four castes and thirty-six sub-castes who is guilty of sexual offenses or of having taken cooked rice and water from the hands of a person belonging to a low caste, even though had himself seen the offense being committed or had knowledge thereof, but has not offered cooked rice and water to other persons, he shall be degraded to the caste of the person from whose hands he had taken cooked rice and water. No fines shall be imposed, nor shall his property be confiscated.
But if such person, having taken cooked rice and water (from the hands of a person who is guilty of the offenses mentioned above), allows his relatives to take cooked rice touched by him, or offers water from his hands ot other persons, his share of the property shall be confiscated according to the law and he shal be degraded to the caste of the person from whose hands he had taken cooked rice and water.
If his wife allows him to have sexual intercource without any knowledge of his guilt, and his sons and other members of his family have taken cooked rice and water from his lands out of similar ignorance, a writ of Patiya shall be issued to them for expiation from offenses committed out of ignorance.
If, however, his wife has allowed him to have sexual intercourse with her with full knowledge of his guilt, and others too have similarly taken cooked rice and water from his hands, they shall be degraded to the (same) caste (as the actual offender), but a writ of Patiya shall be issued to innocent children below twelve years of age. After property of the chief offender is confiscated, the other members of the family too shall not be punished with confiscation of property.
In case a person belonging to any caste which can be enslaved takes cooked rice and water (from the hands of a person who is guity of the offenses mentioned above), but does not let his relatives take cooked rice and water, and other persons takes water, from his hands, he shall be degraded to the caste (of the actual offender). No fine shall be imposed, nor shall his property be confiscated. If, however, he has let his relatives take cooked rice, and toher persons to take water, from his hands, shall be degraded to the caste (of the actual offender) and enslaved.
If his wife allows him to have sexual intercourse with her withour any knowledge of his guilt, and his sons and other members of his family similarly take cooked rice and water from his hands, a writ of Patiya shall be issued to expiate them from an offense whch they had commited out of ignorance.
If, however, his wife has allowed him to have sexual relations with her with full knowledge of his guilt, and others too similarly take cooked rice and water from his hands, they shall be degraded to the caste (of the actual offender) if they are above twelve years of age, and granted a writ of Patiya in case they are below twelve years of age. After the chief offender has been enslaved, other members of his family shall not be enslaved.
29. If any person belonging to any of four castes and thirty-six sub-castes, while away from home or abroad, falls ill, falls from a height or otherwide sustains any injury, or is attacked or bitten by animals, and thus
becomes hepless, and, because nobody of appropriate caste status is available there, takes cooked rice from the hands of a person belonging to a lower caste than himself, and water cotuched by whom cannot be taken by members of high castes, and if such a person, after he becomes well again, voluntarily reports that he had taken cooked rice and water from the hands of such persons while lying ill and helpless, then, because the later had offered (cooked rice and water) with philanthronpic motives at a time when the former was lying in a helpless condition and no other person of appropriate caste was available, (the low-caste person who had offered cooked rice and water to him) shall not be deemed guilty. The person who has taken cooked rice and water (from the hands of the low-caste person) shall be granted expiation.
If the person (who had taken cooked rice and water from the hands of a low-caste person) voluntarily reports the matter, but dies before receiving expiation, such expiation shall be granted his sons, brothers, or other relatives.
If any person has taken cooked rice and water from the hands of a person belonging to a lower caste while lying in an ill and helpless condition, but neither of them reports the matter and thus keeps it secret, and it is subsequently reported by another person, then, because they taken cooked rice and water from the hands of a low-caste person) shall be deemed to have dome to of his own will. The (low-caste person) who had offered him (cooked rice and water) shall be punished with a fine of twenty rupees. The former shall not be granted a writ of Patiya. If he offers cooked rice to other persons who do not have any knowledge of his guilt, he shall be punished with a fine of forty rupees. If the does not pay the fine, he shall be imprisoned according to the law
30. In case the parents have been degraded to a lower caste becaue they have commited sexual intercourse or taken cooked rice and water from the hands of persons water touched by whom canot be taken by high-caste people, and contamination from whose touch must be purified through the sprinkling of water, and children born to them before such degradation have remained with them and taken cooked rice and water from their hands, and in ase the relatives of such children on the paternal or maternal side, or any other person close to them, submit a petition before the children have attained the age of twelve years, praying that (the children) are of pure birth and they are willing to take cooked rice and water from their hands if a writ of Patiya is granted, such children shall be granted expiation.
In case, however, the children have no relatives, and between the ages of twelve years and sixteen years when they have developed their senses, have refrained from taking cooked rice and water from the hands of their parents, and subsequently submit a petition praying that inasmuch as they were innocent children no ne had offered to look after them, and so they had lived with their parents, and should now be gratned expiation, they shall be deemed to have (taken cooked rice and water from they hands of their parents) out of ignorance. Inquiries shall be conducted if they approach any government office or court, or any local body, with this request, or, even if they do not do so, such information is received from other sources, and they shall be granted expiation.
Children (of parents as mentioned above) who continue to take cooked rice and water from their hands even after they had attained the age of sixteen years shall not be granted a writ of patiya. In case any government official issues a writ of purification in the case of water, maintaining that they are eligible for expiation, even though he knows their pollution full well, his share of the ancestral property shall be confiscated according to the law, his sacred-thread shall be taken off if he belongs to a sacred-thread-wearing caste, and he shall be degraded to the same caste (as the children).
In case any thari or mukhiya says that water can be taken (from the hands of such children), he shall be punished with a fine of twenty rupees each, and every respectable person who functions as a member of the kachahari with a fine of five rupees each. No fine shall be imposed on persons who have not functioned as a member of the Kachahari. In case the relatives of the guilty person who take cooked rice and water from his hands, and members of his family pray for a writ of patiya, declaring that he will not have any commensal relations with him, such a writ shall be granted to them.
31. In case any person belonging to the Upadhyay Brahman or any other sacred-thread-wearing caste is shaved in the head and degraded to a lower caste on the charge of commiting incest with a hadnata relative, other than his own mother and his own daughter, or on charges of treason, children born of such criminals before they have obtained a writ of petiya shall be granted such a writ in respect to water, and shall be degraded to the Shudra caste which cannot be enslaved.
(To be continued).
Regmi Research (Private) Ltd,
Kathmandul: August 1, 1979.
Regmi Research Series
Year 11, No. 8
Mahesh C. Regmi
1. Cash Reward to Prime Minister Chandra
2. The Baise and Chaubise Principalities 113
3. Kumarichok Employees, 1832 122
4. Ban on Birta Grants 122
5. The Dharmadhikar 123
6. Ban on Cow Slaughter, 1809 126
Regmi Research (Private) Ltd
Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal
Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display.
Cash Reward to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere
On Jestha 8, 1960 (May 21, 1903), orders were issued to several revenue offices in the districtsof the Tarai region to remit a total sum of Indian Rs 600.000 to the Nepali Naib Wakil in Calcutta. The orders stated that the amount had been granted as a reward (bakas) by King Prithvi Bir Bikram to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere.
The revenues offices ordered to remit the funds, and the amount sanctioned from each, are given below:-
Revenue Office Amount
(In Indain Rs)
Morang Rs 100,000.
Saptari-Siraha Rs 50,000.
Mahottari Rs 50,000.
Bara-Parsa Rs 200,00.
Palhi Rs 50,000.
Majhhand Rs 50,000.
Khajahani Rs 50,000.
Banke Rs 50,000.
Total Rs 600,000.
Regmi Research Collection, vol. 77, pp. 276-79.
The Baise and Chaubise Principalities
Mohan Bahadur Malla
(Continued from the July 1979 issue)
On Jestha 31, 1828 Vikrama, Gorkha conquered Bhirkot, Garhaunkot, and Paiyun. However, in the battle that was fought at Shirwari in Satyan on Poush 27, 1828 Vikrama, Gorkha defeated by Parbat, and thereafter the Chaubise principalities across the Marsyangdi became independent. Among these principalities Bhirkot surrended again after the defeat of the Syangja-Nuwakot forces by Gorkhali troops under the command of Dalajit shah on Ashad 2, 1842 Vikrama King Indra Bhapala Khan of Bhirkot, who had received recongnition from Gorkha, was dismissed in 1849 Vikrama and replaced by Hari Khan as ruler of Bhirkot.
6. Syangja-Nuwakot had been conquered by Micha Khan, the youngest son of Rana Bhupala, from its Magar King in 1561 Vikrama. Micha Khan also conquered Sataun, which too was ruled by a Magar ruler. His youngest son, Vichaitra Khan, occupied Kaski from its Gurung ruler around 1570 Vikrama. After the death of Micha Khan, his eldest son, Bhakti Khan, became King of Syangja-Nuwakot, and his second and youngest sons, Chivarama Khan and Vichitra Khan became King of Sataun and Kaski respectively. Nuwakot continued to be ruled by Bhakti Khan's descendants.
Kulamandana, grandson of Vichitra Khan, King of Kaski, assumed the title of ''Shahi''. The descendants of Micha Khan then called themselves Shahi. At that time, Delhi was ruled by Ibrahim Shahi, the last ruler in the Lodi dynasty. A political tussle was going on between Bahadur Shah and Kirti Bam of Parbat. Nuwakot was the first casualty of that conflict. When Parbat became quiet, Bahadur Shah sent six battalions of troops under the command of Kaji Naru Shah to attack Nuwakot, and Kaji Abhiman Simha Basnet sent five battalions to invade Palpa. Tanahu, which had been conquered by Bahadur Shah, later slipped out of Gorkha's control. Queen Rajendra Laxmi thereafter started following Bahadur Shah;s advice in military matters. Whatever Bahadur Shah accomplished under the control of an unimaginative queen was commendable. One cannot indeed help praising Bahadur Shah, a master strategist. He had shown great foresight in going into a war against Syangja, Nuwakot and Palpa. On Falgun 20, 1840 Vikrama, Kaji Naru Shah occupied Nuwakot in the battle of Bir Pagmi (sic). Nuwakot again declared itself independent after Naru Shah was forced to move to Makaidanda in Lamjung, where the forced of Kaski and Parbat had assembled. Abount a year later, that is, on Ashadh 2, 1842 Vikrama, Gorkhali troops commanded by Dalajit Shah fought against Nuwakto. Syangja Nuwakot was then merged into the Kingdom of Nepal.
7. Sataunkot consisted of 2,000 roofs. Though a tiny principalities, it has had a glorious histry. Shiva Bam Shah, the second son of Micha Khan, become King of Sataun around 1575 Vikrama. Sataun was ruled by his descendants for eleven generations. In 1828 Vikrama, Gorkha conquered Tabahu, Rising, Dhor, Bhirkot, Garhaunkot, and Paiyun. Then followed the battle of Sirbari in Sataun. 2,000 troops from Parbat, who had come to assist Sataun, took up their position near Thanabari on the Dahare mountain. On Poush 27, 1820 Vikrama, Gorkhali troops commanded by Sardar Kehar Simha Basnet, Kaji Vamsha Raj Pande and Prabhu Malla launched a two-pronged attack on the Parbat troops from Paiyun-Dhuwakot and Bhirkot. However, the Gorkhalis were badly defeated in this battle. More than 500 Gorkhali troops were killed and about 1,500 wounded. Sardar Kehar Simha Basnet was killed in the battle, and Kaji Vamsha Raj Pande was wounded and taken prisoner. The fleeing Gorkhali troops sought shelter in the fort of Bhirkot. There too they were defeated by the troops of Parbat.
From there the Gorkhali troops fled to Dhor. But Dhor too sided with the Parbat. Troops from Bhirkot and Garhaunkot then besieged the Gorkhali troops in Dhor. As a result, Prabhu Malla and Ranashur Pande surrendered. It was only on the fourteenth day of the battle that the remnants of the Gorkhali troops, who berely constituted ten percent of the original strength of the army that had come from Gorkha, were able to escapte. This was the biggest defeat ever suffered by Gorkha. The Gorkhali troops lost a greater number of their men in this battle than in the battle fought against Kirtipur in 1814 Vikrama.
The six principalities that were conquered in 1828 Vikrama remained independent till Ashadh 7, 1842 Vikrama. On that day, King Dirgha Shahi of Sataun declared his allegiance to Gorkha. The same day, the bhardars of Gorkha moved to Rajasthal, the capital of Satauan, which was then merged into the Kingdom of Nepal.
8. Kaski is a scenic area in the Gandaki region. The lakes, valleys, hills and mountain peaks of the Pokhara area have always attracted foreigners. No historical evidence is available to determine how long Gurungs had ruled over this area. Around 1570 Vikrama, Vichitra Khan, the youngest son of Micha Khan, conquered Kaski from the Gurungs. After the death of his father, Vichitra Khan became King of Kaski. Jagadeva was his son, and Jagati or Kulamandana was his grandson. Kulamandana assumed the title of ''Shahi''. hIs second son, Kalu Shai, was made of Lamjung. But the old ruling family of Gurungs treacherously murdered him. he was succeeded by his younger brother, Yashovarman, as King of Lamjung.
Among the Chaubise principalities situated east of the Kali river, Kaski, Lamjung, Tanahu and Bhirkot were most powerful. Prithvi Narayan shah had tried to establish relations with Kaski. In Falgun 1838 Vikrama, Ganesha Malla, Dilaram Karki, and others of Parbat had looted the royal palace of Kaski because they had been angered by Kaski's refusal to participate in the battle of Siranchok, in which the Gorkhalis had been defeated. King Siddhi Narayan Shahi of Kaski had ten fled, crossed the Marsyangdi river and sought asylum in Gorkha. He was treasted with great honor there. In Ashwin 1840, Vikrama, Gorkha concluded a treaty with him and restored to him the throne of Kaski in the company of Sardar Ambar Simha Thapa.
Viramardana Shahi, who had fled from Lamjung in Kartik 1839 vikrama and was staying at Beni in Parbat, was preparting for a battle. This was the reason why the above-mentioned treaty contained a provision which debarred Siddhi Narayana from opposing Lamjung. However, under the pressure of Parbat, Siddhi Narayan repudiated the treaty, and three the copper plate in whch it had been inscribed at the Gorkhali camp in Nuwakot. In the battle of Makaidanda (Adhadh 12, 1841 Vikrama), Kaski fought
with all its might. Troops from Parbat, Sataun, Paiyun, Galkot, Musikot, and Isma had taken part in this battle. Gorkha emerged victorious in this battle. However, after this victory, Gorkha remained quiet for more than a year. This indicated that palace intrigues might have assumed a serious form at that time. Bahadur Shah, who as still unmarried, was conducting the military campaign from Bettiah, and sometimes from Kathmandu. He had left the royal palace of Kathmandu on Baisakh 22, 1840 Vikrama. Meanwhile, the Gorkhali military campaign was being intensified. In Baisakh 1842 vikrama, Dalajit Shah seized Rupakot and Arghau without any bloodshed. On Poush 7, 1842 Vikrama, he captured Sarangkot after a minor battle. King Siddhi Narayana Shahi fled to Dhurkot. Kaski was then annexed by Nepal.
9. No evidence is available to show when Gurungs had taken over control of Lamjung from Magars. Gurungs had spread in the Gandaki region after then had been initiated into Lamaizm. They had come from Tibet via Manang and then migrated to the colder areas of Kaski and Lamjung, probably in the early tenth century. Yashovarman Shah became King of Lamjung without any difficulty, hence it is likely that Brahmans and Chhetris had settled there in large number by that time. These secred-thread-wearing communities used to irrigate their fields. At first the Gurungs mistook this practice for fish-farming.
Narahari Shahi was the third Thakuri King of Lamjung. He had ascended the throne around 1618 Vikrama. the conflict which had started between Lamjung and Gorkha since the time of Narahari Shahi finally ended during the rule of his descendants in the eleventh generation. Most of them continued harassing Gorkha.
In the winter of 1836 Vikrama, Harakumara Datta Sen, backed by Palpa and Parbat, drove out Gorkhalis troops from Tanahu after defeating them in the battle of Jyamruk. Perhaps encouraged by this victory, Lamjung attacked Siranchok in Gorkha with the assistance of Parbat in Magh 1838 Vikrama. this attacked roused the Gorkhalis out of their slumber. On behalf of the King, Queen Rajendra Laxmi wrote a letter to the Bahadur Shah, who has then staying at Bettiah informing him of Gorkha's victory in the battle of Siranchok. She wrote: ''We had abandoned the territories across the Kali river, and had been defeated in the battle of Jyamruk. We have thus been compelled to quit Tanahun. Seeing the split in our house, Lamjung too struck at us. however, thanks to the grace of Goddess, we repulsed the enemy and killed his troops, thereby overcoming the threat from the Chaubise principalities.''
The reference of the split in the hosue of Gorkha indicates that there was dissension in the royal palace at the time. The Gorkhalis realized that they could not live in peace until they had vanquished Lamjung, the main sooruce of their troubles. They, therefore, concluded a treaty with Tanahun. By virtue of this treaty, Dalamardana Shahi sent Gorkhali troops across of the territory of Tanahu, and landed them in the southern part of Lamjung.
In Jestha 1839 Vikrama, the Gorkhali troops fought a fierce battle against the combined armies of Parbat and Lamjung at Tarkughat. The Parbat-Lamjung army was jointly commanded by Sardar Balabhanjan Malla of Parbat and Kaji Bhakti Thapa of Lamjung, while the Gorkhali army was commanded by Sardar Ambar Simha Thapa and Sardar Pratiman Rana.
Gorkha emerged victious in this battle. Both Balabhanjan Malla and Bhakti Thapa were taken prisoner by the Gorkhalis. In Kartik 1839 Vikrama, the Gorkhali troops besieged the capital of Lamjung from three sides. King Viramandana Shahi of Lamjung fled to Beni in Parabat, travelling through Muktinath in Monang.
While in Beni, Viramardana Shahi requested the rulers of Parbat and other principalities for help in regaining Lamjung. Troops from Parbat, Kaski, Satuan, Paiyun, Galkot, Musikot and Isma participated in the battle gought at Makaidanda in Lamjung on Ashadh 12, 1841 Vikrama. their total number was estimated at 8,000. On the side of Gorkha were 9,000 troops, of whom 6,000 were stationed in Nuwakot and Palpa 1,000 were based in Gorkha under the command of Balabhadra Shah, 1,000 had been sent from Kantipur under the command of Swarupa Simha Karki, and another 1,000 were brought from different places. The Gorkhalis were victiorious in that battle. Only ten percent of the Parbat troops survived the battle. Ganesha Malla, a commander of the Parbat troops, was captured. Following the battle of Makidanda, Viramardana Shahi went to Rajapur in the territory of King Karakumara Datta Sen. Later, Jung Bahadur was given a title of Raja of Kaski and Lamjung.
10. Tanahu is an ancient hill principality which was once ruled by Sen Kings. Tula Sen, who came from Prayag, had first occupied the principality of Rajapur. Later, he occupied Rising from Magars. Tanahu might have formed a part of Rising at that time. Afterwards, the Sen Kings conquered Makwanpur, and Tutha Raya occupied Rindikot. Rudra Sen (1540-75 Vikrama) made Tansen in Palpa the capital of his principality. During the reign of Muni Mukunda (1575-1610 Vikrama), his youngest son, Lohanga Sen, annexed areas east of Makwanpur to the banks of the Kamala river. To the west of the Kamala river, the new principality extend to Gulmi and Khanchi. The Sen kingdom thus comprised both Tarai and hill areas. Muni Mukunda Sen then divided the Sen Kingdom into sixe parts and allotted them to his
sons, grandsons and nephews. His sons were Manikya, Vinayaka, Vihanga or Bhringi and Lohang who were allotted Palpa, Butaul, Tanahu and Makwanpur respectively. Rama Sen a nephew of Muni Mujunda, was allotted Rising and Chandra Sen, a grandson, was made the ruler of Rajapur.
Bhringi Sen made Sur the capital of Tanahu. Rajapur was merged into Tanahu during the reign of Damodar Sen, its fifth ruler. Tri Vikrama Sen, the eighth King, was imprisoned by Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1810 Vikrama. Kamaridatta, his son, committed suicide when the Gorkhali troops laid siege to Sur. The Gorkhalis proclaimed Harkumara Datta, his brother, as the ruler of Tanahu, and concluded with him a military pact which permitted them to garrison their troops in Sataun. It was from Sataun that the Gorkali troops occupied Rising, Dhor, Bhirkot, Garhaunkot, and Paiyun. Advancing from Sataun, they fought a battle against the armies of Satauan and Parbat at Sirbari. They were, however, defeated in that battle. They got a respite only after they crosses Satighat and reached Gorkha Magh 15, 1828 Vikrama.
On Magh 25, 1835 Vikrama, Bahadur Shah received the following latter from the royal palace: ''OM Sunday, Magh 21, our troops crossed the Marsyangdi river at Dhukuridghat and Maryanghat. You are ordered to make such arrangements as will help to achieve our aim.'' This letter was written by Queen Rajendra Laxmi on behalf of the King. It belies the argument that Bahadur Shah had seized power after jailing his sister-in-law. A close study of the letters sent from the royal palace to Bahadur Shah, which have been published by Dinesh Raj Pant in the Purnima (Nos. 17, 20 and 21), reveals that Bahadur Shah had never imprisoned Rajendra Laxmi. Had he done so, he would not have left the capital and proceeded to the battle-front of Tanahu.
There is yet no reliable information about the circumstances that led to Harkumara Datta's flight from Tanahu.
11. Rising is a Magar name. the Magars are a simple and peace-loving community. Hence it might not have been difficult for the Chhetries, who had fled from India after being defeated by the Muslims, to occupy Rising. Being ignorant of intricate game of politics, the Magars seem to have welcomed victorious Rajpur rulers. The Gurungs of Lamjung had murdered Kalu Shahi, but there is no evidence of the Magars having ever revolted against their Rajpur overlords. The sacred-thread-wearing communities used to coll Bhotes as Jad, and the areas from Sija in Jumla to the northern regions inhabited by Jads and Jadan. The Vamshavalis indicate that Jads used to harass he Rajpur kings from time to time.
In 1610 Vikrama, Muni Mukunda Sen went to live an ascetic life at Devaghat after having divided his kingdom into six parts. Rising was given to Rama Sen, his grandson. According the the Vamshalavalis, Rama Sen, had no children, so that Rising eventually merged into Tanahu. However, there is evidence to show that Rising remained an independent identity much longer. It was eventually occupied by Gorkhali troops on Falgun 22, 1827 Vikrama. they appointed Atibala Bista as the administrator of Rising. Atibala Bista later left Rising and returned to Gorkha on Magh 14, 1828 Vikrama. Harakumara Datta Sen, who had fled from Tanahu, latter went to Ramnagar. Ambar Pratap, his grandson, died issueless. Prahlada Sen then came from Rising to become King of Ramnagar. In Kartik 1839 Vikrama, the king of Lamjung fled to Parbat. He was accompanied by Harikumara Datta Sen. Only thereafter did Gorkha occupy Tanahu and Rising. Ghiring, being a part of Rising, cannot be listed as one of the Chaubise principalities.
12. Paiyun, located on the left banks of the Kali-Gandati river, was a tiny principality extending from the north to the south. It comprised 2,000 roofs. The Vamshavali of the