History of the christian church



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5205 Letter to Spalatin, Nov. 25 and Dec. 2. De Wette, 1. 188 sqq.

6206 "Mittam ad te nugas meas, ut videas, an recte divinem Antichristum illum verum juxta Paulum in Romana curia regnare: pejorem Turcis esse hodie, puto me demonstrare posse." DeWette, I. 193.

7207 He was charged with intemperance, and is reported to have fallen from the boat in crossing the Rhine or the Main near Mainz in a state of intoxication, a. 1529. See the reports in Seidemann, l.c. p. 33 sqq.

8208 He speaks generously of Tetzel in a letter to Spalatin, Feb. 12, 1519 (De Wette, I. 223): "Doleo Tetzelium et salutem suam in eam necessitatem venisse ... multo mallem, si posset, servari cum honore," etc.

9209 De Wette, I. 239.

0210 Eck was the chief originator of the disputation, and not Luther (as Janssen endeavors to show). Seidemann, who gives a full and authentic account of the preliminary correspondence, says (p. 21): "Es ist entschieden, dass Eck die Disputation antrug, und zwar zunächst nur mit Karlstadt. Aber auch Luther’s Absehen war auf eine Disputation gerichtet."

1211 As he complained twenty years later: see Seidemann, p. 80.

212 Luther calls him an infelicissimus disputator.

3213 In a letter to Julius Pflug, a young Saxon nobleman. Mosellanus describes also Carlstadt and Eck, and the whole disputation. See Löscher, III. 242-251 (especially p. 247); Walch, XV. 1422; Seidemann, 51 and 56. I find the description also in an appendix to Melanchthon’s Vita Lutheri, Göttingen, 1741, pp. 32-44.

4214 "Ut omnia pene ossa liceat dinumerare." But in later years Luther grew stout and fleshy.

5215 "Ut haud facile credas, hominem tam ardua sine numine Divûm moliri."

6216 "Das walt’ die Sucht!"

7217 "Der algehobelte Eck." The book appeared first anonymously in Latin, Eccius dedolatus, at Erfurt, March, 1520. Hagen, in his Der Geist der Reformation (Erlangen, 1843), I. p. 60 sqq., gives a good summary of this witty book. Luther sent it to Spalatin, March 2, 1520 (De Wette, I. 426), but expressed his dissatisfaction with this "mode of raging against Eck," and preferred an open attack to a "bite from behind the fence."

8218 This excited the anger of Eck, who broke out, "Tace tu, Philippe, ac tua studia cura, ne me perturba."

7227 De Corrigendis Adolescentium Studiis, in the "Corpus Reformatorum," XI. 15 sqq. See Schmidt, l.c. 29 sq.

8228 He wrote to his friend Camerarius, Jan. 22, 1525 (" Corp. Ref." I. 722): "Ego mihi ita conscius sum, non aliam ob causam unquam teqeologhkevnai, nisi ut vitam emendarem."

9229 Lutherus ad Reuchlinum, Dec. 14, 1518: "Philippus noster Melanchthon, homo admirabilis, imo pene nihil habens, quod non supra hominem sit, familiarissimus tamen et amicissimus mihi." To Billikan he wrote in 1523 (De Wette, II. 407): "Den Philippus achte ich nicht anders als mich selbst, ausgenomnen in Hinsicht auf seine Gelehrsamkeit und die Unbescholtenheit seines Lebens, wodurch er mich, dass ich nicht blos sage, übertrifft." In his humorous way he once invited him (Oct. 18, 1518) to supper under the address: "Philippo Melanchthoni, Schwarzerd, Graeco, Latino, Hebraeo, Germano, nunquam Barbaro." The testimonies of Luther on Mel. are collected in the first and last vols. of the "Corp. Reform." (especially XXViiib. 9 and 10).

0230 Melanchthon hints also, in one of his confidential letters, at female influence, the gunaikoturavnni", as an incidental element in the disturbance. Corp. Ref.," III. 398.

1231 In his preface to Melanchthon’s Commentary on Colossians.

232 Der Schmerz der Kirchenspaltung ist tief durch seine schuldlose Seele gegangen."Hase, Kirchengesch., 11th ed. (1886), p. 372.

3233 Triumphus Capnionis (kavpnio" = Reuchlin), a poem written in 1514, but not published till 1518 under the pseudo-name of Eleutherius Byzenus. Works, III. 413-447; Strauss, U. v. H., 155 sq.

4234 First published 1515 [at Hagenau], and 1517 at Basel; best ed. by Böcking, in Hutten’s Opera, Suppl. i. Lips. (1864), and commentary in Suppl. ii. (1869); an excellent critical analysis by Strauss, l.c. 165 sqq. He compares them with Don Quixote. The first book of the Epist. is chiefly from Crotus, the second chiefly from Hutten. The comic impression arises in great part from the barbarous Latinity, and is lost in a translation. There is, however, a good German translation by Dr. Wilhelm Binder: Briefe von Dunkelmännern. Stuttgart, 1876. The translator says he knew twenty-seven Latin editions, but no translation.

5235 "The die is cast. I have ventured it." An allusion to the exclamation of Caesar when he crossed the Rubicon, and marched to Rome.

6236 Strauss, U. v. H., p. 285 sqq., 289; and his translation, in Hutten’s Gespr. p. 94 sqq., 114 sqq. I have omitted the interlocutories in the dialogue. Vadiscus is Hutten’s friend Crotus of Erfurt (also Luther’s friend); and Ernhold is his friend Arnold Glauberger, with whom he had been in Rome.

7237 Allusion to the papal claims to fill the ecclesiastical vacancies which occurred during the long months (January, March, etc.), and to receive the annates,i.e, the first year’s income from every spiritual living worth more than twenty-four ducats per annum. Luther, in his Address to the German Nobility, characterizes this papal avarice as downright robbery.

8238 He himself speaks very frankly of his Morbus Gallicus, or Malum Franciaeand its horrible effects, without asserting his innocence. Strauss discusses it fully with a belief in his guilt, yet pity for his sufferings and admiration for his endurance. "Er hatte," he says(U. v. H., p. 241),"den Jugendfehler, dessen wir ihn schuldig achten, in einem Grade zu büssen, welcher selbst des unerbittlichsten Sittenrichters Strenge in Mitleid verwandeln muss .... Man weiss nicht was schrecklicher ist, die Beschreibung die uns Hutten von seinem Zustande, oder die er uns von den Quälereien macht, welche von unverständigen Aerzten als Curen über ihn verhängt wurden."

9239 E. Münch, Fr. v. Sickingen. Stuttgart, 1827 sqq. 3 vols. Strauss, l.c. p. 488. Ullmann, Franz v. Sickingen, Leipzig, 1872.

0240 Sturm- und Drangperiode is an expressive German phrase.

1241 In the midst of a Latin letter to Spalatin, from the beginning of June, 1520 (De Wette, I. 453), he gives vent to his wrath against popery in these German words:"Ich meine, sie sind zu Rom alle toll, thöricht, wüthend, unsinnig, Narren, Stock, Stein, Hölle, und Teufel geworden." In the same letter he mentions his intention to publish a book"ad Carolum et totius Germaniae nobilitatem adversus Romanae curiaetyrannidem et nequitiam."

242 See the remarkable passage in his letter to Conrad Pellicanus, January or February, 1521 (De Wette, I. 555): "Recte mones modestiae me: sentio et ipse, sed compos mei non sum; rapior nescio quo spiritu, cum nemini me male velle conscius sim: verum urgent etiam illi furiosissime, ut Satanam non satis observem."

3243 L. Lemme: Die drei grossen Reformationsschriften Luthers vom Jahre 1520. Gotha, 1875, 2d ed., 1884. Wace and Bucheim: First Principles of the Reformation, London, 1883.

4244 On that date he informed Wencislaus Link: "Editur noster libellus in Papam de reformanda ecclesia vernaculus, ad universam nobilitatem Germaniae, qui summe offensurus est Romam .... Vale, et ora pro me." De Wette, I. 470.

5245 "Was aus der Taufe gekrochen ist, das mag sich rühmen, dass es schon Priester, Bischof, und Papst geweihet sei."

6246 "Omnes ferme [fere] in me damnant mordacitatem," he says in letter to Link, Aug. 19, 1520.

7247 See his letters to John Lange (Aug. 18, 1520) and to Wenceslaus Link (Aug. 19) in De Wette, I. 477-479.

8248 On Oct. 3, 1520, Luther wrote to Spalatin: "Liber de captivitate Ecclesiae sabbato exibit, et ad te mittetur." (De Wette, I 491.)

9249 He means Alveld’s Tractatus de communione sub utraque specie quantum ad laicos, 1520. He contemptuously omits his name.

0250 This view is usually called consubstantiation; but Lutherans object to the term in the sense ofimpanation, or local inclusion, mixture, and circumscription. They mean an illocal presence of a ubiquitous body.

1251 This is not strictly historical. Transubstantiation was clearly taught by Paschasius Radbertus in the ninth century, though not without contradiction from Ratramnus. See Schaff,Ch. Hist., vol. IV. 544 sqq.

252 Perhaps he means the burning of the Pope’s bull, rather than, as O. v. Gerlach conjectures, the appendix to his later book against Ambrosius Catharinus, in which he tries to prove that the Pope is the Antichrist predicted by Dan. viii. 23-25.

3253 Köstlin(Mart. Luth., vol. I. 395 sq.):"Die Schrift von der Freiheit eines Christenmenschen ist ein tief-religiöser Traktat .... Sie ist ein ruhiges, positives Zeugnis der Wahrheit, vor welcher die Waffen und Bande der Finsternis von selbst zu nichte werden müssen. Sie zeigt uns den tiefsten Grund des christlichen Bewusstseins und Lebens in einer edlen, seligen Ruhe und Sicherheit, welche die über ihm hingehenden Wogen und Stürme des Kampfes nicht zu erschüttern vermögen. Sie zeigt zugleich, wie fest Luther selbst auf diesem Grunde stand, indem er eben im Höhepunkt des Kampfgedränges sie zu verfassen fähig war." It is perhaps characteristic that Janssen, who gives one-sided extracts from the two other reformatory works of Luther, passes the tract on "Christian Liberty" in complete silence. Cardinal Hergenröther likewise ignores it.

4254 "Ein Statthalter ist in Abwesenheit seines Herrn ein Statthalter."

5255 De Libertate Christiana.

6256 As Luther said, to rouse "the abyss of hell" (Abgrund der Hölle) against him. Eck seems to have been acting also in the interest of the banking firm of Fugger in Augsburg, which carried on the financial transactions between Germany and Italy, including the transmission of indulgence money. See Ranke, I. 297.

7257 Ranke (I. 298) dates the bull from June 16; Walch (XV. 1691) from June 24; but most historians (Gieseler, Kahnis, Köstlin, Lenz, Janssen, Hergenröther, etc.) from June 15. The last is correct, for the bull is dated "MDXX. xvii. Kal. Julii." According to the Roman mode of reckoning backwards, counting the day of departure, and adding two to the number of days of the preceding month, the Kalendae Julii fall on June 15. Ranke probably overlooked the fact that June had only twenty-nine days in the Julian Calendar. Janssen refers to an essay of Druffel on the date of the bull in the "Sitzungsberichte der Bayer Academie." 1880, p. 572; but he does not give the result.

8258 Pallavicini and Muratori censure Leo for commissioning Eck. Janssen says (II. 109):"Es war ein trauriger Missgriff, dass mit der Verkündigung und Vollstreckung der Bulle in mehreren deutschen Dioecesen Luther’s Gegner Johann Eck beauftragt wurde." The same view was previously expressed by Kampschulte (Die Universität Erfurt in ihrem Verh. zu dem Humanismus und der Reformation, Trier, 1858-60, Th. II., p. 36), although he fully justified the papal bull as a necessity for the Roman Church, and characterized its tone as comparatively mild in view of Luther’s radicale Umsturzgedanken and his violence of language. Audin and Archbishop Spalding defend the Pope.

9259 Letter of Miltitz to Fabian von Feilitzsch, Oct. 2, 1520. In Walch, XV. 1872. Luther wrote to Spalatin, Oct. 3, 1520 (De Wette, I. 492), that he had just heard of the bad reception and danger of Eck at Leipzig, and hoped that he might escape with his life, but that his devices might come to naught.

0260 "Bulla est, in aqua natet." So Luther reports in a letter to Greffendorf, Oct. 20 (De Wette, I. 520), and in a letter to Spalatin, Nov. 4 (I. 522 sq.). Kampschulte (l.c. II. 37 sqq.) gives a full account of Eck’s troubles at Erfurt, from a rare printed placard,Intimatio Erphurdiana pro Martino Luthero (preserved by Riederer, and quoted also by Gieseler, III. I. 81, Germ. ed., or IV. 53, Anglo-Am. ed.), to the effect that the whole theological faculty stirred up all the students, calling upon them to resist "with hand and foot" the furious Pharisees and slanderers of Luther, who wished to cast him out of the Church and into hell. Luther makes no mention of such a strange action of the faculty, which is scarcely credible as it included strict Catholics.

1261 "Lutherus peccavit in duobus, nempe quod tetigit coronam Pontificis et ventres monachorum." Spalatin, Annal. 28 sq.

262 "Bullae saevitia probos omnes offendit, ut indigna mitissimo Christi vicario." Erasmus soon afterwards called back his Axiomata pro causa Lutheri, which he had sent to Spalatin. They were, however, published (Erl. ed. of Luther’s Op. Lat., vol. V. 238-242). About the same time he advised the Emperor to submit the case of Luther to impartial judges of different nations, or to a general council. See Gieseler, IV. 53 sq., Am. ed.

3263 The heading is omitted by Raynaldus.

4264 Raynaldus: superinducentes.

5265 Cocquelines omits suae.

6266 Raynaldus omits denique

7267 Raynaldus omits praefatis.

8268 Omitted by Raynaldus.

9269 Omitted by Raynaldus.

0270 Raynaldus: propugnatores.

1271 Coequelines readscollationem, contrary to the original which plainly reads collectionem.

272 Cocquelines: et absolutum vere esse.Raynaldus is right here, according to the original.

3273 ·Cocquelines: sed.

4274 Raynaldus omits ad.

5275 Rayn. omits concilio.

6276 · Rayn. omits specie.

7277 This is an indirect approval of the burning of heretics. Rome never has disowned this theory.

8278 Cocquelines reads nec nec for aut. Raynaldus is right here.

9279 Raynaldus: medicitatis (a typographical error).

0280 Raynaldus (fol. 305) omits all the specifications of punishments from here down to the next section beginning Insuper.

1281 The original reads quorumcnq. (an o for an a).

282 The remainder of the bull is briefly summarized by Raynaldus.

3283 Coequelines: Imperatori. Then there should be a comma after Imperatori. The seven Electors of the Emperor are meant.

4284 Cocquelines omits debere.

5285 Cocquelines: clausulas. A plausible correction.

6286 Subscriptions are omitted by Cocquelines and Raynaldus.

7287 "Ich höre auch sagen, Dr. Eck habe eine Bulle mit sich von Rom wider mich gebracht, die ihm so ähnlich sei, dass sie wohl möchte auch Dr. Eck heissen, so voll Lügen und Irrthum sie sein soll; und er gebe vor, den Leuten das Maul zu schmieren, sie sollen glauben, es sei des Papsts Werk, so es sein Lügenspiel ist. Ich lasse es geschehen, muss des Spiels in Gottes Namen warten; wer weiss, was göttlicher Rath beschlossen hat." Von den neuen Eckischen Bullen und Lügen.

8288 Widder die Bullen des Endchrists, Weimar ed. vol. VI. 613-629.

9289 He wrote to Spalatin, Nov. 4 (in De Wette, I. 522): "Impossibile est salvos fieri, qui huic Bullae aut faverunt,aut non repugnaverunt." He told his students, Dec. 11: "Nisi toto corde dissentistis a regno papali, non potestis assequi vestrarum animarum salutem."

0290 Walch, XV. 1909 sqq. Erl. ed., XXIV. 28-35; and Op. Lat., V. 119-131. The appeal was published in Latin and German.

1291 The "Holy One" refers to Christ, as in Mark 1:24; Acts 2:27; not to Luther, as ignorance and malignity have misinterpreted the word. Luther spoke in Latin: "Quia tu conturbasti Sanctum Domini, ideoque te conturbet ignis aeternus." The Vulgate translates Josh. 7:25: "Quia turbasti nos, exturbet te Dominus in die hac." In the Revised E. V., the whole passage reads: "Why hast thou troubled us? The Lord shall trouble thee this day. And all Israel stoned him with stones, and burnt them [in Hebrew !t;a] with fire after they had stoned them with stones."

292 A tablet contains the inscription: "Dr. Martin Luther verbrannte an dieser Stätte am 10 Dec. 1520 the päpstliche Bannbulle."

3293 "Anno MDXX, decima Decembris, hora nona, exusti sunt Wittembergae ad orientalem portam, juxta S. Crucem, omnes libri Papae: Decretum, Decretales, Sext. Clement. Extravagant., et Bulla novissima Leonis X.: item summa Angelica [a work on casuistry by Angelus Carletus de Clavasio, or Chiavasso, d. 1495], Chrysoprasus [De praedestinatione centuriae sex, 1514] Eccii, et alia ijusdem autoris, Emseri, et quaedam alia, quo adjecta per alios sunt: ut videant incendiarii Papistae, non esse magnarum virium libros exurere, quos confutare non possunt. Haec erunt nova." De Wette, I. 532. Further details about the burning and the conduct of the students we learn from the report of an unnamed pupil of Luther: Excustionis antichristianarum decretalium Acta, In the Erl. ed. of Op. Lat., V. 250-256.

4294 Ranke, i. 307; Köstlin, i. 407; Kolde, i. 290.

5295 Wider das Papstthum zu Rom, tom Teufel gestiftet (in the Erl. ed., XXVI. 108-228). A rude wood-cut on the title-page represents the Pope with long donkey-ears going into the jaws of hell, while demons are punching and jeering at him. Luther calls the Pope (p. 228) "Papstesel mit langen Eselsohren und verdammtem Lügenmaul." The book was provoked by two most presumptuous letters of Pope Paul III. to the Emperor Charles V., rebuking him for giving rest to the Protestants at the Diet of Speier, 1544, till the meeting of a general council, and reminding him of the terrible end of those who dare to violate the priestly prerogatives. King Ferdinand, the Emperor’s brother, read the book through, and remarked, "Wenn die bösen Worte heraus wären, so hätte der Luther nicht übel geschrieben." But not a few sincere friends of Luther thought at the time that he did more harm than good to his own cause by this book.

6296 It appeared in Klug’s Gesangbuch, Wittenberg, 1543, under the title: "Ein Kinderlied zu singen, wider die zween Ertzfeinde Christi und seiner heiligen Kirchen, den Papst und Türken."

7297 See his appendix to the Smalcald Articles, 1537: De autoritate et primatu Papae.

8298 1 John 2:18, 22; 4:3; 2 John 7.

9299 2 Thess. 2:3-7. This is the passage quoted by the Westminster Confession against the Pope, chap. xxv. 6.

0300 to; ga;r musthvrion h[dh ejnergei'tai th'" ajnomiva" : movnon oJ katevcwn a[rti e{w" ejk mevsou gevnhtai. The Roman government was at first (before the Neronian persecution of 64) a protector of Christianity, and more particularly of Paul, who could effectually appeal to his Roman citizenship at Philippi, before the centurion at Jerusalem, and before Festus at Caesarea.
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