History of the christian church



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656 Thus, in 1852, the Madiai family were imprisoned in Florence for holding prayer meetings and reading the Bible, and in 1853, Matamoras, Carrasco and their friends were imprisoned and condemned to the galleys at Madrid for the same offense, and were only released after a powerful protest of an international deputation of the Evangelical Alliance. No public worship except the Roman Catholic was tolerated in the city of Rome before 1870.

757 See his tract, written in 1523, Von weltlicher Obrigkeit, wie weit man ihr Gehorsam schuldig sei? In Walch X. 426-479, especially the second part, col. 451 sqq. "Der Seelen kann und soll niemand gebieten, er wisse denn ihr den Weg zu weisen gen Himmel. Das kann aber kein Mensch thun, sondern Gott allein. Darum in den Sachen, die der Seelen Seligkeit betreffen, soll nichts denn Gottes Wort gelehret und angenommenwerden" (453). Es ist ein frei Werk um den Glauben, dazu man niemand kann zwingen ... Zum Glauben kann und soll man niemand zwingen" (455 sq.). He justly confines the duty of obedience taught in Rom. 13:1, and 1 Pet. 2:13, to secular matters, and qualifies them by Matt. 22:21.

858 Von der Wiedertaufe, an zwei Pfarrherrn, written in Dec., 1527 or Jan., 1528, and addressed to two pastors in a Roman Catholic country (probably under the rule of Duke George of Saxony). See Walch XVII., 2644, and the Erl. Frankf. ed. xxvi., or of the Reformations-historische Schriften III. (2d ed. 1885), p. 283, from which I quote the whole passage: "Doch ist’s nicht recht, und ist mir wahrlich leid, dass man solche elende Lente so jämmerlich ermordet, verbrennet und greulich umbringt; man sollte, ja einen jeglichen lassen gläuben, was er wollt. Gläubet er unrecht, so hat er gnug Strafen an dem ewigen Feur in der Höllen. Warumb will man sie denn auch noch zeitlich martern, so ferne sie allein im Glauben irren, und nicht auch daneben aufruhrisch oder sonst der Oeberkeit widerstreben? Lieber Gott, wie bald ists geschehen, dass einer irre wird und dem Teufel in Strick fället! Mit der Schrift und Gottes Wort sollt man ihn wehren und widerstehen; mit Feuer wird man wenig ausrichten."

959 Briefe, de Wette III., 347 sq.: "Quod quaeris, an liceat magistratui accidere pseudoprophetas? Ego ad judiciam sanguinis tardus sum, etiam ubi meritum abundat ... Nullo modo possum admittere, falsos doctores occidi; satis est eos relegari." He gives as a reason that the law of the death penalty among the Jews and Papists was made a pretext for killing true prophets and saints.

060 His coarse attack on Henry VIII., "by God’s disfavor (or disgrace, Ungnade) king of England," is well known. In his book, Von weltlicher Obrigkeit, which is dedicated to his own prince, Duke John, he ventures the opinion that wise and pious rulers have from the beginning of the world been rare birds, and that princes are usually the greatest fools or worst boobies on earth (sie sind gemeiniglich die grössten Narren oder die ärgsten Buben auf Erden). Walch X., 460 and 464."Es sind gar wenig Fürsten, die man nicht für Narren und Buben hält. Das macht, sie bewiesen sich auch also, und der gemeine Mann wird verständig."Ibid., 464.

161 In a letter to Albrecht of Brandenburg, a. 1532, after he heard of Zwingli’s death. De Wette IV., 349-355. In the same letter he speaks of Zwingli’s salvation only problematically, as having possibly occurred in the last moment! He lays there the greatest stress on the real presence as a fundamental article of faith.

262 See his tract entitled Dass Jesus Christus ein geborner Jude sei, in the Erl. Frkf. ed. Bd. XIX., p. 45-75. He says that if I were a Jew and suffered what the Jews had to suffer from popes, bishops and monks, "so wäre ich eher eine Sau worden denn ein Christ. Denn sie haben mit den Juden gehandelt, als wären es Hunde, und nicht Menschen" (p. 47).

363 Von den Jüden und ihren Lügen, Wittenb., 1543, and Vom Schem Hamphoras und vom Geschlecht Christi, Wittenb., 1543. In the Erl. Frkf. ed. Bd. XXXII., 99-274, and 275-358.

464 "Ein Jüde oder jüdisch Herz ist so stock-stein-eisen-teufel-hart, dass es mit keiner Weise zu bewegen ist ... Summa, es sind junge Teufel, zur Höllen verdammt" (l.c. p. 276). He had no hope of the future conversion of the Jews, which some justly derived from Rom. 11, but "St. Paulus meinet gar viel ein Anderes" (277).

565 "Vermahnung wider die Jüden," 1546, Erl. ed. LXV., 186-188. He concludes: Wollen sich die Jüden zu uns bekehren und von ihrer Lästerung und was sie uns sonst gethan haben, aufhören, so wollen wir es ihnen gerne vergeben: wo aber nicht, so sollen wir sie auch bei uns nicht dulden noch leiden."This reminds one of the way in which Prince Bismarck in the year 1886 proposed to deal with the Poles in Posen as enemies of Prussia and Germany: to buy them out, and expel them from the land of their birth. In several other respects, both favorable and unfavorable, that great statesman may be called the political Luther of the nineteenth century.

66 Corpus Reform. Opera Mel. VIII., 362. Comp. H. Tollin, Ph. Melanchthon und M. Servet. Eine Quellen-Studie. Berlin, 1876 (198 pages). Tollin wrote several monographs on Servetus in his various relations.

767 Ibid., IX., 133: "Dedit vero et Genevensis Reipubl. Magistratus ante annos quatuor punitae insanabilis blasphemiae adversus Filium Dei, sublato Serveto Arragone, pium et memorabile ad omnem posteritatem exemplum."

868 Luther knew only the Servetus of 1531, and once refers to him in his Table-Talk, as a fanatic who mastered theology by false philosophy. See Tollin, Luther und Servet, Berlin, 1875 (61 pages).

969 See Tollin, Butzer’s Confutatio der Libri VII. De Trinitatis Erroribus, in the "Studien und Kritiken" for 1875; and Michael Servet und Martin Butzer, Berlin, 1880; Baum, Capito und Butzer (1860), pp. 489 sq., 478, and 495 sq.; also Janssen, Gesch. des deutschen Volkes, vol. III., 194.

070 "Denn wiewohl unsere Meinung nicht ist, jemand zu verbinden, was er glauben und halten soll, so wollen wir doch zur Verhütung schädlicher Aufruhre und anderer Unrichtigkeiten keine Sekten noch Trennung in unseren Landen dulden." Köstlin II., 29. What a difference between this restriction and the declaration of Frederick the Great, that in his dominions every body may be saved after his own fashion (nach seiner eigenen Façon).

171 Fr. Koch, De Vita Caspar. Peuceri Marburg, 1856. Richard, Der churfürstl. sächs. Kanzler Dr. Nic. Krell. Dresden, 1859, 2 vols. Henke, Kaspar Peucer und Nik. Krell, Marburg, 1865. Calinich, Kampf und Untergang des Melathonismus in Kursachsen, Leipzig, 1866; Zwei sächsische Kanzler, Chemnitz, 1868.

272 The following lines were familiar during the seventeenth century:

"Gottes Wort und Lutheri Schrift



Sind des Papst’s und Calvini Gift ."

373 Hermann Dalton (of St. Petersburg), in his Johannes a Laasco (Gotha, 1881), pp. 427-438, gives a graphic description of what he calls Laski’s "martyrdom in Denmark and North Germany." Calvin raised his indignant protest against this cruel treatment of his brethren, but in the same year Servetus was made to suffer death for heresy and blasphemy under Calvin’s eye!

474 Bullinger, Reformationsgeschichte, I., 382. Comp. his Von der Wiedertäufer Ursprung, etc., 1560. Hagenbach, Kirchengesch., III. 350 sqq. Emil Egli, Die Züricher Wiedertäufer zur Reformatiosszeit, Zürich, 1884. Nitsche, Gesch. der Wiedertäufer in der Schweiz, Einsiedeln, 1885.

575 The statue erected to his memory at Zürich, August 25th, 1885, represents him as holding the Bible in his right hand and the sword with his left. Dr. Alex. Schweizer protested (as he informed me) against the sword, and took no part in the festivities of the dedication of the monument.

676 Servetus probably imagined himself to represent the Apostle when he called Calvin "Simon Magus." He did identify himself with the archangel Michael fighting against the dragon, i.e. the Pope of Rome, Apoc. 12:7.

77 Together with the extensive literature.

878 Servetus appeared on a Sunday morning, August 13th, 1553, in one of the churches at Geneva and was recognized by one of the worshippers, who at once informed Calvin of the fact, whereupon he was thrown into prison. "Nec sane dissimulo," says Calvin (Opera, vol. VIII., col. 461, ed. Baum, Reuss, etc.), "mea opera consilioque jure in carcerem fuisse conjectum." Beza, in his Vita Calv., reports the fact as providential that Servetus, "a quodam agnitus, Calvino Magistratum admonente," was arrested. Servetus had previously applied for a safe-conduct from Vienne to Geneva, but Calvin refused it, and wrote to Farel, February 13th, 1546: "Si venerit, modo valeat mea auctoritas, vivum exire numquam patiar." During the process, he expressed the hope, in a letter to Farel (August 2nd, 1553), that Servetus might be condemned to death, but that the sentence be executed in a milder form (Opera xiv., col. 590): "Spero capitale saltem fore judicium, poenae vero atrocitatem [ignem] remitti cupio." In the same letter he gives a sketch of the system of Servetus as teaching a pantheistic diffusion of the deity in wood, stone, and even in devils.

979 "Hoc crimen," he says in the 27th of his letters to Calvin (Opera VIII., 708), "est morte simpliciter dignum." Calvin refers to this admission of Servetus (VIII., 462) and charges him with inconsistency.

080 De Trinitatis Erroribus Libri Sept. Per michaelem Serveto, aliàs Reves ab Aragonia Hispanum. Anno M. D. XXXI. No place of publication is given in the copy before me, but it was printed at Hagenau in the Alsace, as appears from the trial at Geneva. The book excited the greatest indignation in Oecolampadius and Bucer. Luther called it an awfully wicked book (ein gräulich bös Buch). Bucer thought the author ought to be torn to pieces.

181 Christianismi Restitutio ... MDLIII., secretly printed at Vienne in France, with his initials on the last page, M. S. V. (i e.: Villanovanus).

282 Such blasphemy of the Trinity appeared to be blasphemy of the Deity itself. Hence Beza calls Servetus "ille sacrae Triadis, id est omnis verae Deitatis hostis, adeoque monstrum ex omnibus quantumvis rancidis et portentosis haeresibus conflatum."Calv. Vita, ad a. 1553. He charges his book with being "full of blasphemies." Servetus called Jesus "the Son of the eternal God," but obstinately refused to call him "the eternal Son of God," in other words, to admit his eternal divinity.

383 "The year 1553," says Beza in Calvini Vita, ad a. 1553, "by the impatience and malice of the factious [the Libertines] was a year so full of trouble that not only the church, but the republic of Geneva, came within a hair’s breadth of ruin ... All power had fallen into their hands, that nothing seemed to hinder them from attaining the ends for which they had so long been striving." Then he mentions the trial of Servetus as the other danger, which was aggravated by the first.

484 H. Tollin, a Reformed clergyman of Magdeburg, the most enthusiastic and voluminous advocate of Servetus and his system, admits this, saying (Charakterbild M. Servet’s, Berlin, 1876, p. 6): "Nicht Calvin ist schuldig der That, sondern der Protestantismus seiner Zeit." Another apologist, Dardier (in Lichtenberger’s "Encyclopédie " XI. 581), says the same: C’est la Réforme tout entière qui est coupable."The famous Christian philosopher, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, went further. In one of his last utterances, in his Table-Talk, sub Jan. 3, 1834 (to which a friend directed my attention), he expressed his views as follows: " I have known books written on tolerance, the proper title of which would be—intolerant or intolerable books on tolerance. Should not a man who writes a book expressly to inculcate tolerance learn to treat with respect, or at least with indulgence, articles of faith which tens of thousands ten times told of his fellow-subjects or his fellow-creatures believe with all their souls, and upon the truth of which they rest their tranquillity in this world, and their hopes of salvation in the next,—those articles being at least maintainable against his arguments, and most certainly innocent in themselves?—Is it fitting to run Jesus Christ in a silly parallel with Socrates—the Being whom thousand millions of intellectual creatures, of whom I am an humble unit, take to be their Redeemer, with an Athenian philosopher, of whom we should know nothing except through his glorification in Plato and Xenophon?—And then to hitch Latimer and Servetus together! To be sure, there was a stake and a fire in each case, but where the rest of the resemblance is I cannot see. What ground is there for throwing the odium of Servetus’s death upon Calvin alone?—Why, the mild Melanchthon wrote to Calvin, expressly to testify his concurrence in the act, and no doubt he spoke the sense of the German Reformers; the Swiss churches advised the punishment in formal letters, and I rather think there are letters from the English divines, approving Calvin’s conduct!—Before a man deals out the slang of the day about the great leaders of the Reformation, he should learn to throw himself back to the age of the Reformation, when the two great parties in the church were eagerly on the watch to fasten a charge of heresy on the other. Besides, if ever a poor fanatic thrust himself into the fire, it was Michael Servetus. He was a rabid enthusiast, and did everything he could in the way of insult and ribaldry to provoke the feeling of the Christian church. He called the Trinitytriceps monstrum et Cerberum quemdam tri-partitum, and so on!’

585 Defensio orthodoxae fidei de sacra trinitate contra prodigiosos errores Michaelis Serveti Hispani ubi ostenditur haereticos jure gladii örcendos esse. In Calvin’s Opera, ed. Reuss, etc., vol. VIII. 483-644. Bullinger urged him to the task in a letter of December 12th, 1553 (Opera, XIV. 698): "Vide, me Calvine, ut diligenter et, pie omnibus piis describas Servetum cum suo exitu, ut omnes abhorreant a bestia."

686 De haeriticis a civili magistratu puniendis, adversus Martini Bellii (an unknown person) farraginem et novorum academicorum sectam. Geneva (Oliva Rob. Stephani), 1554; second ed. 1592; French translation by Nic. Colladon, 1560. See Heppe’s Beza, p. 38 sq.

787 Coleridge regards this revocation as the only blot on Taylor’s character. His second wife was a natural daughter of Charles I.

88 For the extensive literature on the subject see the list of Dr. Dexter, The Congregationalism of the last three hundred years as seen in its Literature (N. York, 1880), Appendix, pp. 49-82. The Hansard Knollys (Baptist) Society has published, in 1846 at London, a series of Tracts on Liberty of Conscience and Persecution, written from 1614-1661. I mention only those which I have myself examined in the rich McAlpin Collection of the Union Theol. Seminary, N. York.

989 Wholesome Severity reconciled with Christian Liberty, or the true Resolution of a present Controversie concerning Liberty of Conscience. Here you have the question stated, the middle way between Popish tyrannie and Schismatizing Liberty approved, and also confirmed from Scripture, and the testimonies of Divines, yea, of whole churches ... And in conclusion a Paraenetick to the five Apologists for choosing Accommodation rather than Toleration. London, 1645 (40 pages). Dexter (p. 56) assigns the pamphlet, which is anonymous, to Gillespie, and its sentiments agree with those he expressed in a sermon he preached before the House of Lords, August 27, 1645.

090 He wrote "The Bloody Tenent of Persecution," etc., 1644 (248 pp.), and "The Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody," etc., 1652 (373 pp.). Among the anonymous pamphlets on the same side, we mention The Compassionate Samaritane, Unbinding the Conscience, and pouring oyle into the wounds which have been made upon the Separation, etc., 1644 (84 pp.).

191 Dr. Dexter asserts (p. 101) that "Robert Browne is entitled to the proud pre-eminence of having been the first writer clearly to state and defend in the English tongue the true and now accepted doctrine of the relation of the magistrate to the church," in his Treatise of Reformation, published in 1582. Comp. Dexter, p. 703 sq., and Append. p. 8. But this is an error. Bishop John Hooper of Gloucester, who suffered martyrdom under Queen Mary (1555), says in one of his earliest treatises: "As touching the superior powers of the earth, it is well known to all that have readen and marked the Scripture that it appertaineth nothing unto their office to make any law to govern the conscience of their subjects in religion."Early Writings of Bishop Hooper, p. 280, quoted by Dr. Mitchell, The Westminster Assembly, p. 16, where may be found a still stronger passage in, Latin to the same effect: "Profecto Christus non ignem non carceres, non vincula, non violentiam, non bonorum confiscationem, non regineae majestatis terrorem media organa constituit quibus veritas verbi sui mundo promulgaretur; sed miti ac diligenti praedicatione evangelii sui mundum ab errore et idolatria converti praecepit."Later Writings of Bp. Hooper, p. 386. The same principle found expression among Mennonites and Anabaptists of the Reformation period, and may be traced back to the Apostolic and the Ante-Nicene period, when Christianity had no connection whatever with politics and secular government.

292 He wrote A Free Disputation against pretended Liberty of Conscience tending to resolve Doubts moved by Mr. John Goodwin, John Baptist, Dr. Jer. Taylor, the Belgick Arminians, Socinians, and other authors contending for lawless Liberty, or licentious Toleration of sects and Heresies. London, 1649. 410 pages. He calls the advocates of toleration "Libertines."

393 The author of Reasons against Independent Government of Particular Congregations: as also against the Toleration of such churches to be erected in this kingdom. Presented to the House of Commons. London, 1641 (56 pp.). Antapologia; or, a Full Answer to the Apologetical Narration of Mr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye, Mr. Sympson, Mr. Burroughs, Mr. Bridge, Members of the Assembly of Divines. Wherein many of the controversies of these times are handled. London, 1646 (259 pp.). The First and Second Part of Gangraena; or, A Catalogue and Discovery of many of the Errors, Heresies, Blasphemies and pernicious Practices of the Sectaries of this time, vented and acted in England in these four last years, etc. London, 1646. The first part has 116, the second part 178 pages. They were followed by The Third Part of Gangraena; or, A New and Higher Discovery of Errors, etc. London, 1646 (295 pp.), and by The Casting down of the last and strongest hold of Satan; or, A Treatise against Toleration and pretended Liberty of Conscience. London, 1647 (218 pp.).—"The ministers of Christ within the province of London," December 14, 1647, sent out a Testimony of the Truth of Jesus Christ, and to our Solemn League, and Covenant; as also Against the Errors, Heresies and Blasphemies of these times, and the Toleration of them. London, 1648 (38 pp.).

494 Dr. M’Crie, in his Annals of English Presbytery (pp. 190, 191), says: "It admits of being shown that even the hypothetical intolerance of our Presbyterian fathers differed essentially from Romish and Prelatic tyranny .... In point of fact it never led them to persecute, it never applied the rack to the flesh, or slaked its vengeance in blood or the maiming of the body."

595 Chapter XX., 2, 4. The clause "and by the power of the civil magistrate," is omitted in the American recension of the Westminster Confession.

696 Ch. XXIII., 3; Comp. Ch. XXXI., 1, 2. These sections were changed and adapted to the separation of Church and State by the united Synod of Philadelphia and New York which met at Philadelphia, May 28, 1787. See the comparative statement in Schaff, Creeds of Christendom vol. I., 807 sq. and III., 607, 653 sq., 668 sq. The Presbyterian churches in Scotland, England and Ireland adhere to the original Confession, but with an express disavowal of persecuting sentiments. Schaff, I., 799 sq.

797 Goodwin wrote several pamphlets in favor of toleration: An Apologeticall Narration, Humbly submitted to the Hon. Houses of Partiament (by, Goodwin, Nye, Bridge, Simpson, and Burroughes). London, 1643 (32pp.). Qeomaciva; or the grand imprudence of men running the hazard of fighting against God in suppressing any way, doctrine or practice concerning which they know not certainly whether it be from God or no, 1644 (52 pp.). Innocencie’s Triumph, 1644 (64 pp.). Cretensis; or, a brief Answer to Mr. T. Edwards, his Gangraena, 1646. Anapologesiates Antapologias; or, the Inexcusableness of that grand Accusation of the Brethren, called Antapologia ... proving the utter insufficiency of the Antapoloogist for his great undertaking in behalf of the Presbyterian cause: with answers to his arguments or reasons (so call’d) for the support thereof ... especially in the point of Non-toleration ... Publ. by Authoritie. London, 1646 (253 pp.); with a long Preface, dated "From my studie in Coleman street, July 17, 1646; " chiefly directed against Edwards. Hagiomastix; or, the Scourge of the Saints displayed in his colours of Ignorance and Blood, etc. London, 1646 (134 pp.). A Postscript or Appendix to a treatise intituled, Hagiomastix. London, 1646 (28 pp.). The Apologist condemned; or, a Vindication of the Thirty Queries (with their author)concerning the power of the Civil Magistrate in Matters of Religion. London, 1653 (32 pp.). Peace Protected and Discontent Disarmed, etc. London, 1654 (78 pp.). Sugkrhvtismo"; or Dis-Satisfaction Satisfied. London, 1654 (24 pp.).
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