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Log oe

Lollsrds


THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG




theistic consequences, according as separation or

union is principally emphasised in the conception

of a mesiti3a between God and the world. The

Logos‑idea as found in the Johannine writings is

well adapted to guard against the Christology

which sees in Jesus merely a prophet or a genius;

it requires the recognition of his identity of being

with God, without which the absoluteness of his

historic mission can not be conceived. But it does

not go into the metaphysical profundities from

which it might be hoped to gain an insight into the

inner recesses of the divine nature. It lights up

history with the light of eternity; but it can show

us eternity only in the light of history, not in its

own supernatural radiance. (O. KIRN.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On Jewish and ethnic doctrines of the Logos consult: A. Aall, Der Logos, Gsachichte seiner Ent­wickelung, 2 vole., Leipaie, 1896‑99; J. M. Heinze, Die Lehre vom Logos in der priechiechen Phidoeophie, Olden­burg, 1872; Schiirer, Geachichte, iii. 55fr557, Eng, trsnel., TL, iii. 374‑376; works on O. T. theology, especially that of Schultz; and the literature under Pamo.

On the Johannine doctrine: H. H. Wendt, Daa Johax­neaevangelium, Gottingen, 1900; M. Stuart, in Biblio­theca Sacra, 1850, pp. 281‑327 W. Emlieht, Thsophania; or, Scriptural View of the Manifestation of the Logos or pre‑existent Messiah, London, 1857; RShrieht, in TSK, 1888, pp. 299‑315; J. Rwille, La Doctrine du Logos dens Is qualripme 6vanpiLe et dana Zee auvree de Philon, Paris, 1881; H. P. Liddon, Divinity of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, lecture v.. London, 1885; H. W. Watkins. Modern Criticism Considered in its Relations to the Fourth Gospel, lecture viii., ib. 1890; A. Harnack, in ZKT, ii (1892), 189‑231; idem Dogma, vole. i.‑iv (contains also the later development); G. B. Stevens, Johannine The­ology, chap, iv., New York, 1894; W. Baldensperger, Der Prolog des !,. EvanOetiuma, Freiburg, 1898; Jannsrie, in ZNT1V, Feb., 1901, pp, 13 eqq,; W. R. Inge, Personal Idealism and Mysticism, lectures ii.‑iii., New York 1907; Lichtenberger, ESR, viii. 334‑339; DB iii. 132‑138; EB, iii. 2811‑2812; the commentaries on the Fourth Gospel, especially that of H. J. Holtzmann, Tiibingen, 1893; the works on N. T, theology, particularly that of Beyechlag; and the works on the history of doctrine. The last‑named class of works is also to be consulted for the later develop­ment of the doctrine, and further works of value are: L. Atzberger Die LoOOalehre des heiligen Athanariue, Munich, 1880; C. Bigg, Christian Platoniata of Alex­andria, London, 1886.

LOISTS, f'o'ists: A pantheistic sect of the six­teenth century. The first mention of the sect of the Lolsts occurs in a letter of Luther's dated Mar. 21, 1525, in which he writes that some " new proph­ets " from Antwerp had appeared in Wittenberg, and that they put the mind and reason of man on terms of equality with the Holy Ghost. A dispu­tation took place, in Luther's presence, between Melanchthon and the leader of this sect, a slater named Eligius (Loy) Pruystinck; and shortly afterward Luther directed a warning to his own adherents at Antwerp against dangerous " bluster­ing and noisy spirits." Pruystinek was subjected to an examination by the Inquisition at Antwerp (Jan., 1526); he recanted, and was cleared with the sentence of public ecclesiastical penance. Never­theless his doctrines in the following decades spread not only in Antwerp but also in the district about Cologne, in Brabant, and in Flanders. But an ad­ditional investigation ensued in the summer of 1544, ending in the execution of Pruystinck and of six of his followers and completely disbanding their sect. The Loists religious attitude may be de­fined as a corollary of practical pantheism. Man's




intellectual nature is a spiritual substance; =in

other words, every one possesses the Holy Ghost.

Since man's flesh and spirit are thoroughly inde­

pendent, and with no influence upon each other,

the spirit of man incurs no responsibility for the

weakness of the flesh; hence the spirit, as such, is

sinless. The final goal of man is to vanish into the

divine being. The LoYsta based their doctrines

upon forced exegesis of the Bible. There appears

to have been no relation .between the Lolsts and

any sects antedating the Reformation, and they

seem to have been wholly independent of the Bap­

tists. (They certainly had much in common with

the Begharda (q.v.) and the Brethren of the Free

Spirit (see FREE SPIRIT, BRETHREN ON THE). A. H. N.]

It is fair to suppose that the pantheistic doctrines

of the " Libertines," which from 1545 onward were

combated notably by Calvin, in the Romance coun­

tries took their point of departure from the sect of

the Lolats disbanded at that very time. [David Joris

was probably a disciple of Pruyetinck, and the latter

may have influenced Henry Nicolas, founder of the

Family of Love (see FAMILISTa; and ANTINOMIANa),

and through him several of the more recent varieties

of Antinomians. A. H. N.] HERMAN HAUPT.

BIHLiOaRAPH7: A valuable collection of sources and his­tory of the sect is given in J. Fredericha, De sects der Lofa­ten of Antwerpsche libertijnen U626‑l,6), Ghent, 1891; idem, Un LuthBrien jranvaia devenu libertin spirituel, in Bulletin hiatorique et ZittPraire de la aoci,Etk de l'hiatoire du proteatantisme jrareCais, xli (1892), 250‑269; idem, La Moralifk des libertine epirituela, ib., pp. 502‑504; A. Jundt, Hiat. du panthkiame populaire au molten spa, pp. 122 eqq., Paris, 1875.
LOISY, lwa"zi', ALFRED FIRMAft: . French Roman Catholic; b. at Ambriisres (6 m. tl. of .Ma­yenne) Feb. 28, 1857. He was educated at the Seminary of ChT
his.superiors t0 Ceme lecturing. Slllffi lhij J;ne

he has lived in retirement at Garnay, in the de­partment of Eure‑et‑Loire. His works attracted considerable attention, and five were placed, in 1903, on the Index, although Loisy claims to seek to refute the radicalism of A: Harnack (q.v.) and to defend the orthodox faith of the Church. He has written: HiBtoire du canon de l'Ancien Testa­ment (Paris, 1890); Hiatoire du canon du Nouveau Testament (1891); Le Livre de Job, tretduit del'he­breu (1892); HiBtoire critique du teaxe et am ver­sions de la Bible (2 vole., Amiens, 1892‑93); Les Mythes babylonierta et lea premiers chapitrea de la Genkse (Paris, 1901); PEudes biblique8 (1901); Lo



Religion d'larazl (1901); Audea wangdliques (1902); LIvangile et Z'eglise (1902; Eng. transl. by C. Home, The Gospel and the Church, London, 1903);



1'S RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA Logos



Lollarde


Le Quatn;eme eva'~ le (1903); Autour d'un pent livre

(1903) ; and Les Evanyiles synoptiques (1908).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. J. Williams, Newman, Pascal, Loiay,



and the Catholic Church, London, 1908; Publisher's

Weekly, Feb. 22, 1908, p. 884; Expository Times, Aug.

1909, pp. 488‑495; A. Ddtres, L'Abbe Loiay, Paris, 1909.

LOLLARDS.

Origin of the Lollards (¢ 1).

Wyclif and the Early English Lollarda (¢ 2). Spread of Lollardism in England (¢ 3).

Lollard Memorial of 1395 (¢ 4).

Ecclesiastical Opposition to Lollardiem (¢ 5). The Constitutions of Arundel (¢ 0).

Sir John Oldcastle (¢ 7).

Suppression and Decline of Lollardiam (§ 8). Tenets of Lollardism (§ 9).

Lollard Opposition to Roman Catholic Doctrines (¢ 10). Lollard View of the Eucharist (¢ 11).

The name Lollards is applied both to a semi­monastic charitable society originating in Brabant in the fourteenth century and to the English fol­lowers of John Wyclif. The Brabantine Lollards are mentioned by J. Hocsem, a canon of Liege c. 1350, in a notice of the year 1309, and from his account it is obvious that they received their name from the Middle Dutch loellen (" to sing softly, hum "). They first appeared prominently on the outbreak of the plague in Antwerp c. 1350, devo­ting themselves to the care of the sick

r. Origin and the burial of the dead, and re­of the ceived the name Alexians (q.v.) from

Lollards. their patron saint. Suspected of her­

esy from the very start, they were tol­

erated conditionally after 1347, and their dubious

reputation transferred their name to the adherents

of Wyclif when he began in 1380 to assail the ac­

cepted teachings of the Church in regard to the

Eucharist. The term was so used for the first

time by Thomas Walden and the Cistercian Crompe

in 1382, who applied it to Wyclif's friends Here­

ford and Repington. Five years later five itiner­

ant preachers are described as Lollards, and the

name henceforth appears frequently in English

documents, finally losing all trace of its Dutch

origin and becoming the national term of derision

for Wyclif's followers from the fourteenth to the

sixteenth century.

The middle of the fourteenth century was a period of religious transition for the English peo­ple, and the calm but intense conviction that the evils of the time must be overcome and that re­ligious and social life must be reformed found ex­pression in John Wyclif (q.v.). In 1378 he denied the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church, re­ceiving the support of his university, the court, the nobles, and the knights. Finding his model in the mendicant monks, he sent his closest friends, in­cluding Hereford, Aston, Bedeman (all members of the University of Oxford), Purvey (his

a. Wyclif vicar at Lutterworth), Thorpe, Parker,

and the and Swinderby, to preach among the

Early farmers and the artizans. For the



English first time in English history an appeal

Lollards. was made to the people rather than to

the scholars, and dogma wag superseded

by the Bible, which was made the sole source, of

faith and practise. Yet, though the stereotyped


sermons of the mendicant orders were replaced by a new note of religious conviction, Wyelif had no ground of opposition to the ideals of St. Francis and St. Dominic, as is amply proven by his Short Rule of Life with its close affinities to the aims of St. Francis. Their followers, on the other hand, he bitterly assailed, not only for their teachings about the Eucharist, but also for their adherence to the two antipopea of the Great Schism (see SCHISM) after 1378, for their opposition to free preaching, and for their hostility to the Bible in the vernacular. Wyclif accordingly sent out his " Eoqr Priests" to invade the territory of the mendicant orders. Bound by no vows and no formal consecration, poor, and yet not mendicant, they wandered from village to village, barefoot, with a long staff in token of their pastoral vocation and coarse habits of reddish brown to symbolize poverty and toil. Prelates, priests, and abbots scorned and hated them, but the people loved them and flocked around them.

This was the beginning of the Lollard movement, which stirred England to its depths for nearly a century and a half and formed the essential basis of the Reformation. [It seems probable that Wyclif and his " Poor Priests " did not originate the type of Evangelical life and thought known as Lollard­ism. They rather evoked and made aggressive older forms of Evangelical life which survived the Roman Catholic conquest and may have been in­fluenced by continental Evangelicals like the Wal­denses, with whom they had much in common. The movement seems too extensive to be ascribed solely to the .preaching of Wyclif's evangelists. A. 11. N.] The ranks of the " Poor Priests " were soon increased by many of the laity, who boldly opposed the authority of the Church, while some of the nobility who did not fear the wrath of the powerful John of Gaunt, such as the count of Salis­bury, likewise joined them. Among the common

people their success was enormous,

3. Spread until their adherents were believed to



of Lollard‑ number at least half the population.

ism in [This estimate is too high. It is not England. likely that one in ten was a Lollard.

A. H. rr.] Their weapon was the Bible in the vernacular, and true to their doctrine that each priest had the same power to bind and loose as pope or bishop, they ordained others to extend their work. By the middle of the fourteenth cen­tury the Lollards were at their zenith, at least nu­merically, but even during Wyclif's lifetime they met a rude shock when in 1382 Courtenay, arch­bishop of Canterbury, urged Parliament to take measures against the " Poor Priests," whom he ac­cused of disobedience to their ecclesiastical supe­riors, stirring up class hostility, and propagating heresy. This was averted by Richard IL, but on the insistence of the primate he placed the matter under the jurisdiction of the ordinaries, which were to proceed against the Lollards through their own episcopal officials. The result was the excommu­nication of Aston and the suspension of Hereford, Repington, and Bedeman from university privi­leges. On Dec. 31, 1384, Wyclif died, but the move­ment which he had inaugurated lived and grew.



Lollards THE NEW ScHAFF‑HERZOC is




A few years later Lollards were numerous in Lon­don, Lincoln, Salisbury, and Worcester, and their tenets, no longer restricted to religion, extended to economic and political life. In 1395, doubtless em­boldened by the blunt refusal of Parliament to pass the archbishop's bill for the destruction of all Wyo­lif's translations of the Bible, the Lollards felt them­selves sufficiently strong to present a memorial to Parliament and to demand the cooperation of that body is carrying out their reform. The twelve clauses of this memorial were as follows: Faith, love, and hope had vanished from the English daughter‑

churcb since she bad been lost in

4. Lollard worldly wealth through her association Memorial with her great stepmother of Rome; of z3g5. the Roman Catholic priesthood was not that of Christ; the priestly law of celibacy resulted in unnatural vice; transub­stantiation was a feigned miracle and conduced to idolatry; prayers over bread, salt, wine, water, oil, was, and the like were unlawful magic rites; it was contrary to the word of Christ (Matt. vi. 24) to have king and bishop or prelate and judge in one person; prayers for the dead were ineffectual, pilgrimages and the invocation of images were nearly idolatrous; auricular confession was not essential to salvation, but was a source of priestly arrogance and permission to sin; war was contrary to the New Testament, and death and pillage to the poor; the vows of nuns led to infanticide and unnatural impurity; and art was unnecessary and conducive to luxury and extravagance. [Cf. the teat in Fasciculi Ziraniorum, ed. W. W. Shirley in Rdla Series, pp. 380‑369, London, 1858; Wilkins, Concilia, III., p. 221; condensed tranal. in Lechler's John Wyclif, ed. P. Lorimer, pp. 447‑448.] In this memorial, however, the Lollards had overestimated their strength, and the king, who bad taken no part hitherto in the episcopal proceedings against them, now admonished them sternly.

The decline of Lollardism now began. In 1396 Thomas Arundel, a bitter opponent of the move­ment, succeeded Courtenay as archbishop of Can­terbury, and three years later Richard II. was mur­dered. The throne was then occupied by the Lancastrian Henry IV., who found it to his interests to follow the lead of the hierarchic and aristocratic faction which bad given him the crown. In Jan., 1400, the bishops declared that they were unable to make headway against the heretics, and the statute De oomburendo heeretico was accordingly passed. The first to be executed under its provi­sions was W. Sawtrey (Cbartris), who died at the

stake in the following month. The


g. Ecclesi‑ act was enforced with special severity

a.tical Op‑ in the counties of southern and middle

position to England, while those who were not

>rovardism, burned to death were either tortured


into recantation or ended their lives in prison. Undismayed by these measures, the Lol­lards sought support in their struggle for religious and political freedom is the hatred of the oppressed peasantry for the priests who lived in luxury. Both the secular and the regular clergy, and especially the friars, were regarded as baying long since de­serted the principles of their founders and as hav‑


ing persecuted their own brethren, the Fraticelli, the Begbards, and the Lolla,rds, for remaining faithful to the teaching of their fathers. In Piers The Plomman'a Creed (c. 1394) a man in search of the true doctrines of Christ is represented as inquiring of the four mendicant orders in succession, only to meet the scornful reply that the words of Jesus are no longer remembered, and not until he finds the " Poor Priests " does he obtain what he desires. Popular approbation of the Lollards, however, could avail little against the power of the arch­bishop, who in 1408 extorted from the convoca­tion of Oxford, then the center of the movement, the Conatitutionea Thomte Arundel, which were de­signed to crush the tenets of Wyclif. Among other prohibitions, these regulations forbade preaching without the permission of the bishop, as well as the punishment of the sine of the clergy


6. The by the laity, and required that the

Con.titu‑ writings of Wyclif and the Lollards be tions of destroyed. They likewise enacted

Arundel periodical inspection of the residences

of Oxford students, and all suspected

of Lollardism were ruthlessly expelled. The suc­

cess of the measure was complete, and within a

few years the university was one of the foremost

defenders of Roman Catholic orthodoxy.

The movement of repression was now extended, and commoners in city and country alike were in peril of gallows, ax, and stake. On the other head, many of the nobility remained true to their princi­ples. Prominent among the latter was Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham (see OrncnseTT.E, Six Joy), who gave free scope to the Lollards on his Kentish estates, especially as he was protected against Arundel by his friendship with Henry IV. and the Prince of Wales, afterward Henry V. The date of his conversion to Lollardiem is unknown, but was before 1410, when he was in high favor with the prince, whom he even sought to win over to his sect. During the reign of Henry IV. he bad no need to fear the hostility of the bishops, who hated him for his denial of transubstantiation and his opposition to auricular confession, pilgrimages, and the adoration of images, as well as for the wealth which he expended on the preparation and maintenance of itinerant preachers.

y. Sir Henry V., however, lent a ready ear John to the complaints of the archbishop Oldcastle. and the convocation. Oldcaatle re­fused to be convinced of his errors by the king, and left the court without permission, re­tiring to his castle of Cowley in Kent. Ignoring Arundel's citations, he was placed under the ban for contumacy and arrested by a royal warrant. He‑now formulated a reply to a committee consist­ing of Arundel and the bishops of Winchester and

London, but bas answers concerning transubstantia­tion and confession were unsatisfactory. After much urging, he finally declared himself ready to accept the teachings of the Church, but denied that the pope, the cardinals, or the prelates had the right to define these matters. He was accord­ingly brought before another episcopal court on Sept. 25. He refused to retract his opinions and sharply rebuked the pope and the clergy, where‑






RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA Lobo


upon the archbishop delivered him over as a heretic to the secular arm. Henry vainly endeavored to induce him to recant, but he steadfastly refused and was imprisoned for weeks in the Tower. On Oct. 10, however, he escaped, and wild rumors spread through the country that the Lollards had resolved to kill the king and his brothers, as well as the arch­bishop and the clergy, to destroy all ecclesiastical edifices, and to make Oldcastle regent. There is no evidence that such a plot was actually formed, but on Jan. 11, 1414, about a hundred friends of Old­castle, ignorant of his escape, gathered under the leadership of Sir Roger Acton in St. Giles to effect his liberation. They were dispersed without blood­shed, but some of the leaders were captured and ex­ecuted, while two edicts were issued, one forbidding the reading of the Bible under penalty of death and the other declaring all Lollards heretics. Guarded by his friends, Oldcastle eluded capture for four years before he was taken in Wales by Lords Jeuan ab Gruffydd and Gruffydd Vychan of Garth. He was carried back to London and lodged in the Tower, where he was condemned to death Dec. 14, 1417, on the charges of high treason and heresy, his exe­cution taking plate on the same day.

With Oldcastle's death the hopes of Lollardism vanished. Minor recalcitrants were forced to choose between recantation and execution, and all political and social aspiration, if they had ever existed, disappeared. The Council of Constance (1414‑18), moreover, had put an end to the Great Schism, and the Church, again able to devote its reunited energies to the suppression of heresy, forced the Lollards to seek refuge in secrecy and obscure hiding‑places. Driven from the fields and the streets, they concealed themselves

8. Suppres‑ in hovels and barns, sand‑pits and

aion and caves, while conventiclea in the houses

Decline of replaced preaching in the streets.

Lollardism. Their numbers at first remained un­diminished, and in some parishes the Lollards formed so large a proportion that pilgrim­ages and processions, as well as the observance of saints' days, were neglected. Some of the clergy were found among them, but after the execution of Oldcaetle the leader was gone, although the Lol­lard hatred of the Church was occasionally mani­fested by rabid outbursts on the part of individuals. Executions for Lollardism continued long after the middle of the fifteenth century, and in 1476 the University of Oxford again had to proceed against some of its members for Wyclifite heresy. In 1485 and 1494 bishops preached in Coventry and Kyle against the " Bible Men," and in the first decade of the following century, before the thoughts of Luther had crossed the Channel, increasing num­bers were condemned and burned for possessing Wyclif's writings, reading the Bible in the vernacu­lar, and rejecting transubstantiation, auricular con­fession, the invocation of saints, and pilgrimages, the very things which had formed the point at issue in 1395. At Ameraham, a Lollard center, thirty men were executed in 1506, and eleven years later sectaries called " Brethren in Christ " or " Known Men " (the latter name derived from a mistransla­tion of I Cor. xiv. 38) were cited before the courts. VIL‑2




In a certain sense, therefore, Lollardiam, inherited for generations, was a real, though secret, precursor of the Reformation in England. With no Hues or Luther to lead them, they achieved what no other religious movement of the Middle Ages was able to do, when they succeeded in awakening and main­taining a longing for the Bible in the vernacular. The repeated efforts to secure an English Bible
which were made by Tyndale, Coverdale, Taver, ner, Cranmer, the Geneva fugitives, and Parker

were inspired primarily by the Lollard " Bible

Men." From England Lollardiam spread to Scot­

land. Oxford infected St. Andrews, and the teach­

ers there were repeatedly accused of adhering to

the doctrines of Wyclif'a followers, while Knox ex­

pressly termed the Lollards of Kyle, Ayrshire, the

forerunners of the Reformation and the descend­

ants of the Lollards of the fifteenth century.

The tenets of the Lollards must be gleaned from the legal proceedings against them, contemporary accounts, the memorial of 1395, Piers Plow»uen'a Creed, Piers Plowman's Complaint, The Lanthorn



of Light, The Plowman's Prayer, and the Repressor

of R. Peoock, but these documents moat be used

with caution. The scanty literature of the Lollards

themselves, on the other hand, shows no trace of

system. It is obvious from these sources, of which

the moat important is the Repressor, that Lollard­

ism was based on the teachings of Wyclif and cen­

tered about the Bible, whence were derived all Lol­

lard arguments and postulates. According to the

Franciscan W. Woodford, their chief dogma was

that only what the pope and the ear­

g. Tenets of dinals could deduce from the Bible was

Lollssdism. true, all else being false, while if they

could be convinced of the erroneous

nature of this tenet, they would readily return to

the Roman Catholic Church. The Plowman's

Prayer makes true religion consist in love, fear, sad

trust in God above all things, and also declares that

the soul of man, rather than an earthly temple, is

the dwelling‑place of the Lord. Pecock, in like

manner, describes their faith as based on three

postulates: Only what can be found in the Bible

(especially in the New Testament) may be re­

garded as the command of God; each Christian

man or woman of humble soul, and desirous to

know the Scriptures, may comprehend their true

meaning; whosoever has grasped the meaning of

the Bible moat refuse to accept any opposing argu­

ments, whether derived from the Bible or reason.

He also adds that the Lollards were called " Bible

Men " because they memorised the New Testa­

ment in their mother tongue and found the read­

ing of the Bible so profitable that they preferred it

to instruction by scholars or priests. On the basis

of these views, the Lollards protested against a

series of ecclesiastical requirements

io. Lollard which find no authority in the Bible.

Opposition They rejected the use of images in the

to Roman churches, pilgrimages to holy places,

Catholic the right of the clergy to possess land,

Doctrines. the orders of the hierarchy, the legis­

lative power of the pope and bishops

above the Bible, the institution of spiritual orders

and the priestly mediation, the invocation of




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